習近平時期政治體制改革之政經分析

Abstract

本研究以習近平時期為重點，但是依照實存的歷史脈絡而論，中共政治體制改革具有連貫性及辯證性的特徵。因此，本研究必須先後論及毛澤東、「鄧江胡」、習近平等三個時期，並探討三個時期在政治體制改革上的連貫與正、反、合等辯證過程。本研究發現，中共政治體制改革並不是完全在配合經濟發展和社會結構轉變所進行的必要調整，而是中共領導人基於自身的政治理念及政治現實需要，配合國內外政治經濟形勢變化，對當時政治局勢的判斷，以及中國特色的實存經驗，透過由上而下的方式進行一連串政策選擇，藉以解決各時期所面臨的實存問題與挑戰，進而邁向社會主義現代化的過程。 另外，從實存的大歷史脈絡而論，可以發現「鄧江胡」時期政治體制改革的特色，乃是要改掉毛澤東時期的不當制度，且改革開放的基調是透過開放觸動改革，要解決毛澤東時期權力高度集中所衍生出的各項問題。而習近平時期政治體制改革的特色，則是要改變「鄧江胡」時期因為過度開放，加上黨政分開、放權讓利所衍生的各項問題。因此，中共政治體制改革呈現出一種正、反、合的辯證過程，當歷史情境與政治需要改變時，政策也就連帶做出改變。 習近平時期政治體制改革最明顯的特徵就是集權，本研究透過偏差（bias）與偏差動員（mobilization of bias）的概念運用，發現習近平不斷透過各種偏差動員的類型，包含「形塑組織」（如「頂層設計」的領導小組及委員會、國家監察委員會），「形塑政策」（如「雙循環」、「一帶一路」），「形塑制度」（如「習核心」、取消國家主席及副主席任期限制），「形塑程序與規則」（如政治局委員及常委每年向總書記書面述職、反貪腐八項規定），「形塑理論」（如「習思想」入章入憲、通過第三個歷史決議），「形塑訴求」（如精準扶貧、共同富裕）等，促成對自己有利的偏差內容與結構形成，改變了「鄧江胡」時期的黨政分開、放權讓利等改革方向，並朝黨政融合、黨管一切的方向邁進。另外，在集權脈絡下，中共黨國體制亦回歸到強人統治，中國共產黨的權威也不斷擴張延伸，黨和國家的關係、國家與社會的關係都在不斷改變與重塑。換言之，集權恐怕只是習進平時期政治體制改革的手段，重塑黨與國家、社會等各層面關係才是主要目的。

This study centers on the Xi Jinping period. However, noting the historical context of China’s political reforms, this study will discuss three periods in sequence: Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping-Jiang Zemin-Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. This study finds that China’s political reforms are not necessarily adjustments that need to be adopted in response to economic development or social transformation. Leaders may adopt reforms based on personal ideals and political realities, in conjunction with domestic and international political and economic developments, evaluation of current affairs and past experiences. Through a top down process, decision makers make policy choices that aim to resolve existential issues and challenges and realize the modernization of socialism. In terms of the historical context of regime survival, it is apparent that the characteristic of political reforms in the Deng-Jiang-Hu period was to correct unfit institutions that carried over from the Mao period. The direction of open reform was to initiate change through liberalization, and resolve issues that resulted from the over concentration of power under Mao Zedong. The characteristic of political reforms under Xi Jinping, in contrast, was to correct the excessive relaxation under Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao such as the separation of the party and state and problems related to the designation of powers. Thus political reforms in China demonstrate a dialectical process – when the historical or political context demands change, policy adjusts accordingly. The most apparent characteristic of the Xi Jinping regime is centralism. This study adopts the concepts of “bias” and “mobilization of bias” and argues that Xi Jinping mobilized multiple biases to establish a favorable environment for realizing the integration and consolidation of the party state. The biases include the reshaping of organization, policy, institution, rules and procedures, theory and demand. In the context of centralism, the party state has returned to strongman governance. Authority of the Chinese Communist Party continued to expand while the party-state and state-society relations continued to transform. In other words, under Xi Jinping, the centralization of power may only be the mean for realizing the main goal of reshaping the party’s relations with the state and society.