母語聲調遷移對華語聲調習得的影響：從聲調相似性看泰籍華語學習者的聲調習得挑戰

Abstract

聲調為華語辨義功能中，極為重要的語音線索。目前關於華語聲調的研究及教學建議，多聚焦在母語為非聲調語言的學習者上，針對母語為聲調語言的華語學習者，著重點多為韻母和聲母，較少以「聲調」為核心來進行研究。先行研究提出，與母語相似的二語語音將會影響學習者的語音習得，更甚者在無法區別母語和二語的情況之下，會出現負遷移的現象。本研究以此為切入點，探討母語為有聲調語言泰語的華語學習者，在習得華語聲調時，是否會出現母語遷移的現象，且在感知與產出上是否存在偏誤差異。

本研究以單、雙音節詞彙為刺激材料，針對十六位中級泰籍華語學習者進行研究，測驗內容包含「聽辨」與「發音」測驗，同時以十六位臺灣華語母語者為對照組進行對比分析。藉由泰籍學習者的感知模式，理解其如何歸納與對應兩種語言的聲調，並計算臺灣華語和泰語的「五度制調值」。

研究結果顯示在聲調的感知配對上，泰籍學習者以「調型」為依據，因而將華語的平調、升調與降調分別與泰語的同類調型相互對應。同時泰籍學習者在華語的感知與發音上，兩者相互對應。學習者不論單、雙音節詞彙，又或者前字或後字，皆不擅長辨識與產出華語的升調調型（第二聲、第三聲全上），而降調（第四聲、第三聲前半上）與平調（第一聲）則較為容易。此外，在學習者的華語聲調發音當中，能觀察到泰語調型特徵的遷移：華語一聲調域較低且時長較長；華語二聲呈現先降後升的調型變化；華語四聲音長較長且有弧形降調。泰語發音時長：平調＞升調＞降調的排序方式也容易遷移至華語的聲調發音中。藉由前述的分析結果進一步針對泰籍學習者的華語聲調習得，提出相關的教學啟發。

Tonal distinctions play a crucial role in the semantic system of Mandarin Chinese. While a considerable body of research and teaching practice has focused on learners whose first languages are non-tonal, comparatively less attention has been given to learners from tonal language backgrounds. Existing studies on such learners have often emphasized segmental features such as initials and finals, rather than placing tones at the center of investigation. Previous research suggests that second language sounds that are similar to native categories may interfere with acquisition, and when learners fail to distinguish between L1 and L2 categories, negative transfer can occur. Guided by this perspective, the present study investigates whether Thai learners of Mandarin, whose native language is tonal, exhibit transfer effects in acquiring Mandarin tones, and whether their perceptual and productive performances show different error patterns.

The study tested sixteen intermediate Thai learners of Mandarin with monosyllabic and disyllabic lexical items, while sixteen native speakers of Taiwan Mandarin served as a control group. The experimental design combined perception and production tasks, and Thai learners’ perceptual categorization patterns were further analyzed to examine how they mapped Mandarin tones to Thai tonal categories. On this basis, the “five-degree scale values” of Taiwan Mandarin and Thai were calculated for comparison.

The results indicate that Thai learners mainly relied on tonal contours in perception, mapping Mandarin level, rising, and falling tones to the closest tonal categories in Thai. Their performance in perception and production was generally consistent: across monosyllabic and disyllabic words, and regardless of whether the tone occurred in the first or second syllable, learners consistently struggled with Mandarin rising tones (Tone 2 and full Tone 3), while falling tones (Tone 4 and the falling portion of Tone 3) and the level tone (Tone 1) were relatively easier. In production, evidence of L1 transfer was clear. Tone 1 was produced with a lower pitch range and longer duration; Tone 2 often showed a falling–rising contour; and Tone 4 was lengthened and frequently realized with a curvilinear falling pattern. In addition, the Thai temporal hierarchy of tones was carried over into learners’ Mandarin production, with level tones produced longest, followed by rising tones, and then falling tones. Building on this analysis, the study offers pedagogical implications for the acquisition of Mandarin tones by Thai learners.