上莫利語的語態系統: 以中間語態為主

Abstract

本論文探討上莫利語(Mori Atas)的語態系統，其焦點為中間語態、中間語態的標記以及其他南島語的中間語態標記之類型比較。根據Shibatani（2006）所提出的「語態現象之理論框架」(conceptual framework for voice phenomena)，筆者發現上莫利語語態系統共有三種表現形式：主動語態(active)、反被動語態(antipassive)以及中間語態(middle)。此外，針對其他相關的結構，如：使役結構(causative construction)和施用結構(applicative construction)也將進行討論。 除了Shibatani（2006）之外，本研究亦以Kemmer（1993）中間語態的語意分類為依據，發現上莫利語具有兩種可以用來表達中間語態情形的方式，即形態方式(morphological strategy)和迂說方式(periphrastic strategy)。在形態方式上，上莫利語主要是利用(i) pe-/me- (PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR-演變的形式) 和 (ii) ter- (PAN/PMP *taR-的演變形式) 二種前綴來表達中間語態。 從較宏觀的角度來看，西部馬來-玻里尼西亞語族中的其他語言亦利用相同的方式來表現中間語態情形，即以(i) PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- 和 (ii) *taR- 二種前綴的演變形式來表達。甚至在印尼語(Indonesian)/馬來語(Malay)，巴厘語(Balinese)和米南佳保語(Minangkabau)這四個西部馬來-玻利尼西亞語言中，PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- 進一步經歷多樣化的形式演變，造成兩種不同中間語態標記的分裂。 本研究之結果削弱了Bril（2005）提出的西部馬來-玻里尼西亞語中的中間語態標記的類型模式。Bril認為，PAn/PMP原始交互前綴*paR-/*maR- 在現今的馬來-玻里尼西亞語言中已發展成了具有多義性的前綴。Bril以他加祿語(Tagalog)的mag- 和印尼語/馬來語的ber-為依據而提出該見解。儘管該見解能在他加祿語或其他菲律賓語得到證實，但在印尼語/馬來語和其他西部馬來-玻利尼西亞語中並非總是如此。事實上，PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- 不僅演變為多義前綴，而且進一步多樣化，造成兩種不同中間語態標記的分裂。從此可見，PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR-顯然不是西部馬來-玻里尼西亞語中唯一的中間語態標記的來源。除了PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR-之外，在西部馬來-玻里尼西亞語中PAn/PMP *taR- 的演變形式也可以用來表達中間語態情形，特別是自發性事件。

This thesis aims to explore voice system in Mori Atas, with particular attention to middle constructions and the typological comparison of the middle markers with those of other Austronesian languages. Using Shibatani (2006) “conceptual framework for voice phenomena” as the theoretical basis, it is found that Mori Atas voice system consists of active, antipassive, and middle constructions. In addition, other related constructions such as causatives and applicatives are also available. Aside from Shibatani (2006), this study also utilizes Kemmer (1993) typological framework to approach middles in Mori Atas. It is found that Mori Atas employs two main strategies of expressing middle semantic domains, namely morphological and periphrastic strategies. In the morphological means, there are two kinds of prefixes, pe-/me- and te- which can be used to encode middle meanings. Each of them is reflexes of PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- and *taR- respectively. From a broader perspective, the same pattern is also noticed in other languages of the Western Malayo-Polynesian sub-group, in that, middle semantic domains are always encoded by two morphological means: reflexes of PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- and *taR-. Even in some Western Malayo-Polynesian languages, such as Indonesian/Malay, Balinese, and Minangkabau, the reflexes of PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- undergo further diversification in their formal representations, resulting in the split of two distinct markers. This finding weakens the previous typological pattern of middle markers in Malayo-Polynesian languages postulated by Bril (2005). Bril argues that the originally reciprocal prefix *paR-/*maR- in PAn/PMP evolves into more polysemous morphemes in the present-day of Malayo-Polynesian languages. Bril establishes this argument based on the observation of Tagalog mag- and Indonesian/Malay ber-. While this justification may be attested in Tagalog mag- and other Philippine languages, it is not always the case in Indonesian/Malay, including Mori Atas and other Western Malayo-Polynesian languages examined in this thesis. In fact, PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- does not only evolve to be polysemous, but also undergoes diversification in its formal representation. In addition, PAn/PMP *paR-/*maR- is apparently not the only source of middle marker in WMP languages, because reflexes of PAn/PMP unintentional *taR- are also observable to encode middle meanings, particularly spontaneous event in all Western Malayo-Polynesian languages.