來自彼岸的紅色浪潮：從意義中介視角重構戰後初期「省工委」的地下革命行動

Abstract

本文以戰後初期，中國共產黨在台灣秘密發展的「台灣省工作委員會」（下簡稱省工委）為研究對象，從意義中介的視角探究此一抗爭性集體行動。 跟隨著參與者涉入行動的時序，首先，我從戰後初期潛在行動者的義憤起源論起，接著轉入招募者的動員策略與行動者接收到的印象，藉此探索「參加省工委」所涉及的意義建構過程。我將會指出，目睹新政府所作所為的台灣人民，從原先對祖國的高度期待，快速地對祖國感到失望，這樣的轉變有其雙重的「文化起源」。日治時期的政治社會化經驗，以及「光復」帶來的期望視域轉變，充當了快速反彈情緒的必要角色。「省工委」並不特別注重教條馬列主義的意識型態宣傳，也沒有堅持按照階級軸線劃分敵友，而是採取高度彈性的動員策略，依憑著台灣社會的怒火與紋理，招募革命成員。任何有助於在國共之間劃分敵我的元素，都是「省工委」打造敵人、廣納同志的有利工具。 其次，我將討論的焦點轉向行動者參與地下組織「後」的活動與目標，探究參與者「在組織中」的行動面貌。為了維持成員的忠誠與組織的安全，「省工委」採用了特定的組織技術，改造了參與者的存在處境，讓組織便於施行有效的資訊控管，也讓參與者處在相對封閉的組織領域裡之中。透過組織儀式與日常活動的反覆操練，參與者逐漸具備了地下革命者所要必備的士氣與素質。立基於這些基礎，省工委才能夠執行中共所交付的任務。 隨著國共內戰的局勢轉移，在1948年的香港會議之後，為了快速招募更多的盟友，許多省工委的支部發動一系列今日稱之為「社會運動」的抗爭，在運動中物色適合的積極份子，同時也提高地下黨人在群體內的威望。1949年秋冬，中共開始規劃攻台作戰，省工委亦投入一連串的準備工作。一旦共軍攻打台灣，省工委將立即協助軍事行動、接管生產設施與地方機關、號召人民響應並維持地方秩序等工作。總體來說，省工委的行動配合於中共作戰的佈局與計畫，可以稱之為一系列的「預備性革命行動」。 綜上，本文認為，只有從日治時期以及終戰後的變局來理解戰後初期眾多的地下組織參與者，才能把握其特殊的歷史、文化脈絡。再者，探索「省工委」的組織生活與革命活動，才讓我們能恰當地將「省工委」定位為革命組織。

This thesis is a study of “Working Committee of Taiwan Province”(abbreviated to WCTP below) secretly developed by Communist Party of China in early post-war Taiwan. I investigate this contentious collective action form the “meaning mediation” perspectives. Following the time sequence a participant involved in the action, I start the discussion from the origins of the indignation of the potential participants in early post-war Taiwan; then turn to the recruiters’ mobilization strategies and the images participants received. Through the investigation of the meaning construction process, I would point out that Taiwanese people who witnessed the new government’s behavior and held great expectations toward the motherland at the beginning quickly turned to utter despair; such transformation has its double cultural origins. The political socialization in the period of Japan rule and the transformation of the horizon of expectation triggered by the “retrocession” played the necessary role of cultural origin of this rebound. WCTP didn’t focus on the ideological propaganda of Marxist-Leninist dogma, nor did they insist on the enemy identification along the social class axis. On the contrary, they use highly elastic strategies of mobilization to recruit allies according to the fury and context of Taiwanese society. For the WCTP, anything helpful for the boundary work between CPC and KMT is a useful tool to expand their organization. Then, in order to explore the action of participants in WCTP, I turn to the activities and goals after their involvement with the organization. To sustain the member’s loyalty toward WCTP and organization’s safety, WCTP adapts specific organizational techniques to transform the participants’ existential situation into relative closure one so as to efficiently control the information inside the organization. Through the rituals and repeated operations of daily activities in the organization, participants gradually possess the quality an underground revolutionary needs. Based on this foundation, WCTP could reliably execute CPC’s commands. In path with the development of Chinese civil war, after the Hong Kong conference in 1948, WCTP initiated a series of so-called social movements to pick out activists among movements and to raise the prestige in the communities. At the late autumn of 1949, when CPC started to envisage the war against KMT retreated to Taiwan, WCTP immediately proceeded with the corresponding work in preparation. Once CPC had attacked KMT, WCTP would assist the Chinese People's Liberation Army, take over production facilities, and maintain order of localities. In short, the acts of WCTP could be called a series of revolutionary action in preparation. In summary, this thesis suggests that only from the study of the experience in Japan rule period and the changes after WWII could we grasp the special historical and cultural context the participants of WCTP embedded. Second, it is the investigation into the organizational life and revolutionary activities facilitates the adequately qualification of WCTP as a revolutionary organization.