建和卑南語中參考焦點的論元結構

Abstract

本論文探討建和卑南語（Kasavakan Puyuma）中的參考焦點 (Conveyance Voice, CV) 之論元結構。在建和卑南語中，典型的參考焦點結構（特別是在語義受影響度較低的動詞中）必須包含三個核心論元，分別對應於 Dixon (2010a, 2010b, 2012) 的基本語言學理論 (Basic Linguistic Theory) 所界定的延伸及物構式 (Extended Transitive Construction) 中的 A、O 和 E。 透過觀察參考焦點中附加論元 (added argument) 的不同語義角色——包括工具 (INSTRUMENT)、原因 (REASON)、受益者 (BENEFICIARY)、接收者 (RECIPIENT)、來源 (SOURCE) 以及接收者-受益者 (RECIPIENT-BENEFICIARY, Rb)——本研究發現，建和卑南語參考焦點中的既定主語皆為「主題論元」（THEME），而上述附加論元（接收者-受益者除外）則皆作為延伸核心論元 (Extended core argument, E)。此現象可由三個語言現象中看出：格位標記(case marking)、偏好句法順序 (preferred constituent order)與主題句 (topicalization)。 然而，上述既定的主語選擇卻會受到名詞中「主題性層級」（hierarchy of topicality） 的影響。過往文獻中對此層級亦有不同稱呼，如強調層級 (Empathy Hierarchy, DeLancey 1981)、人稱層級 (Personal Hierarchy, Siewierska 1993)、有生性層級 (Animacy Hierarchy, Comrie 1989)、名詞層級 (Nominal Hierarchy, Dixon 1994) 等。在建和卑南語中，此影響尤為明顯，特別是當附加論元如受益者、接收者或來源以代名詞 (pronoun)形式呈現時，因為代名詞在「主題性層級」中高於專有名詞 (proper noun) 與普通名詞 (common noun)，在此情況下，代名詞附加論元往往會提升至主語的位置，從而使參考焦點在句法上成為「施用型態」(applicative)。 總結而言，本研究指出建和卑南語的參考焦點與其他台灣南島語存在顯著差異。意即在參考焦點句中，「主題論元」皆固定為句中主語，而附加論元（例如工具）則絕不可能成為句子中的主語。此外，此既定的主語選擇卻受制於代名詞在「主題性層級」中較高排序的影響，而此一現象據我所知尚未在其他台灣南島語中被觀察到。

This thesis investigates the argument structure of the Conveyance Voice (CV) in Kasavakan Puyuma, an Austronesian language spoken in Taitung City, Taitung County, Taiwan. A canonical CV construction in Kasavakan Puyuma, particularly with verbs denoting low affectedness, obligatorily involves three core arguments. These correspond to A, O, and E in the Extended Transitive Construction as defined in Dixon’s (2010a, 2010b, 2012) Basic Linguistic Theory. By examining varying semantic roles of the added arguments in CV—including INSTRUMENT, REASON, BENEFICIARY, RECIPIENT, SOURCE, and RECIPIENT-BENEFICIARY (Rb), this study shows that the default subject in CV construction is invariably the THEME argument, whereas the aforementioned added arguments (except Rb) function as an extended (E) core argument. This generalization is indicated by three encoding strategies: case marking, preferred constituent order, and topicalization. However, this default subject selection can be influenced by the hierarchy of topicality in nominals, which has been referred to in the literature by various terms, such as Empathy Hierarchy (DeLancey 1981), Personal Hierarchy (Siewierska 1993), Animacy Hierarchy (Comrie 1989), Nominal Hierarchy (Dixon 1994), etc. This influence in Kasavakan is particularly evident when added arguments such as BENEFICIARY, RECIPIENT, or SOURCE are realized as pronouns, since pronouns outrank both proper nouns and common nouns in the hierarchy. In such cases, pronominal added arguments are promoted to the subject position, thereby rendering the CV construction applicative in nature. All in all, this thesis demonstrates that CV constructions in Kasavakan Puyuma deviate markedly from those in other Formosan languages in that the THEME argument is assigned subjecthood in most CV clauses, while added arguments, such as INSTRUMENT, can “never” assume the subject role. Moreover, this default subject selection is influenced by the higher ranking of pronouns in the topicality hierarchy—a phenomenon that, to the best of my knowledge, has not been attested in other Formosan languages.