「靠北」敘事：數位民俗的流動與衍異

Abstract

本文以傳統民俗學與民間文學為基礎，重新勾勒當代民間文學的數位形象。主要研究題材取自數位媒體中的「靠北○○」臉書紛絲專頁，藉此思考網路鄉民話語系統中「發文與留言共構」的敘事模式，並經由建構數位民俗場景、爬梳當代民俗話語事象的風貌，提出民俗活動從實體的生活世界流動至「數位民俗」的虛擬場域之流動軌跡與衍異現象。 本文認為，傳統民間文學中具有「抱怨文化」的脈絡，抱怨、訴苦，轉化為當代網路特殊的俚語事象──靠北，以諧音代表抱怨之意；而靠北敘事，正是透過不同主題、母題、角色，由數位民俗社群中發文者與留言者的「敘事＋留言」共構民俗實踐特徵，並使登陸數位大陸的所有行動者，都因此擁有能於虛擬場域進行民俗敘事發展的力量，使得數位民俗敘事在靠北系譜中，展現出不同體例、型態與變異。 因此，靠北，不再只是「動詞」，既做為「助動詞」，也進一步成為「主詞」，擴大深化了民俗敘事的實踐與滲透規模，形塑出數位民俗的後現代形象。 此外，與靠北相反的「雞湯敘事」則具有正向、積極的敘事力量──「雞湯」意謂滋補，有益身心，內容雖與靠北衝突，兩者的敘事模式卻有著相同結構；同時，靠北與雞湯並非真如其表面，而是在主題完全對立的情況下，類似於民俗敘事上的「互補」，每位民俗實踐者都得以選擇其一進行參與，成為數位．鄉民．民俗學中的一部分。 在思考數位民俗學的流動軌跡時，「靠北敘事」作為本論思考的重心，預示了主流民俗行為的變遷邏輯，成為新世代數位民俗運動的剪影；面對實體民俗轉向線上民俗進發的道路，數位民俗學的學科化準也有必要與時俱進其田野思維和研究方式。 鄉民們的一切靠北，都將成為民俗研究對象、認知當代的重要觀察焦點。靠北○○，既是負面修辭，也可視為正面手段，靠北能動性經由各不同行動者持有，同時也承擔了民俗事象的擴散與建構之工程。 本文共八章，除緒論、結論外，分別探討了傳統民間文學中的抱怨文化、靠北婆婆、靠北婚姻、靠北男女、反靠北的雞湯敘事，以及深入解讀靠北敘事的特質與數位意義。本文總結，「靠北」承擔的民俗行為學意義，在網路數位敘事再現後，重新有了數位民俗學科的解讀需求；當我們了解這靠北敘事學的建構與衍異的過程，應可理解「靠北」無論作為行動綱領、參與衝動、條件反射，抑或是社會行為模式，對照其他網路民俗行為背後的運作邏輯，都有其更深層的意義。無論是民俗學本身的變遷數位時代、虛擬世界中的「鄉民．俗」的運作模式，已以嶄新型態，將所有參與者圈劃進數位民俗中，需要我們更慎重地反思與對應

This dissertation aims to analyze khàu-pē narratives on social media and redefine this digital phenomenon of contemporary folk literature. It argues that traditional folk literature contains a context of complaint culture where complaints and grievances are transformed into the unique slang phenomenon of khàu-pē in contemporary online culture. Drawing from traditional folklore and folk literature, my study examines the narrative models of posts and comments which together construct the discourse system of online communities, using primary research material from Facebook pages titled “khàu-pē ○○.” It discusses not only the complaint culture in traditional folk literature but also khàu-pē mothers-in-law, khàu-pē marriage, khàu-pē men and women, the counter-khàu-pē chicken soup narratives on social media. The literal meaning of the Taiwanese term khàu-pē refers to crying over the loss of one’s father. When used as a verb, it is a derogatory term that expresses the speaker’s disdain for or dissatisfaction with other people’s complaints to the extent that they cry as if they had lost their father. For example, “Hearing you khàu-pē is really getting under my skin.” As an interjection, it is considered a colloquial and vulgar expression that conveys ill feelings, discontent, or pretentious self-reproach. For instance, “Khàu-pē! I left my wallet at home!” Khàu-pē narratives are characterized by posts and comments on various themes, motifs, and roles, co-constructed by posters and commenters in digital folklore communities. The agency of khàu-pē is held by various participants, undertaking the diffusion and construction of folk phenomena. This allows all participants in the digital realm to develop folk narratives in the virtual field, showing different formats, styles, and variations within the khàu-pē genealogy. Thus, khàu-pē is no longer just a verb; it also functions as an auxiliary verb and even as a subject, expanding and deepening the practice and scale of folk narratives, shaping the postmodern image of digital village folk literature. In considering the migration trajectory of digital folklore, khàu-pē narratives predict the changing logic of mainstream folk behavior; moreover, they become a snapshot of the new generation of digital folk movements. As folklore transitions from the physical to the online realm, I find it significant to evolve and advance the theoretical frameworks and research methods of the academic discipline of digital folklore accordingly. All the online folks’ behavior of khàu-pē will become both the subject and object of folklore research, serving as critical observation points for understanding contemporary phenomena. Although “khàu-pē ○○” is a negative rhetorical device, it can also be viewed as a positive tool. Therefore, this dissertation constructs digital folklore scenes and traces the features of contemporary folk discourse events to propose the migration trajectory and divergent phenomena of folk activities from the physical world to the virtual domain of “digital village folklore.” It further provides an in-depth interpretation of the characteristics and digital significance of khàu-pē narratives, arguing that the significance of folk behavior associated with khàu-pē, when reproduced in digital narrative form, necessitates a new interpretation within the digital folklore discipline. Understanding the construction and variation processes of this khàu-pē narrative allows us to comprehend its deeper meaning as an action program, participation impulse, conditioned reflex, or social behavior model compared to other online folk behavior. The operational mode of online folks in the virtual world requires careful reflection and response, as it involves all participants in the digital village in a new form.