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http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/88567| 標題: | 臺北市與香港城市交流之研究— 以馬英九市長任內為例(1998-2006) A Research on the Interaction Between Taipei City and Hong Kong During Ma Ying-Jeou’s Terms as Mayor of Taipei City (1998-2006) |
| 作者: | 戴卓賢 Cheuk-Yin Tai |
| 指導教授: | 周繼祥 Jih-Shine Chou |
| 關鍵字: | 城市交流,雙城論壇,錢七條,香港基本法,一國兩制, City Exchange,Dual-City Forum,the Seven-Point Principle to handle the post-1997 relations with Hong Kong and Taiwan,Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China,One Country, Two Systems, |
| 出版年 : | 2023 |
| 學位: | 碩士 |
| 摘要: | 本研究以「臺北市與香港城市交流之研究—以馬英九市長任內為例(1998-2006)」進行研析。全文共六章,分別是:
第一章 緒論:研究動機、目的與主要研究問題、文獻回顧與探討、研究設計。 第二章 臺北市與香港城市交流的背景:兩地交流的架構、臺北市推動城市交流的背景(突顯在臺灣的角色、在兩岸關係中地位、對外城市交流)、香港推動城市交流的背景(扮演兩岸關係中介角色、發揮兩岸關係特殊功能、對外城市交流)。 第三章 臺北市與香港城市交流的法源:臺北市交流的法源(兩岸人民及港澳條例、行政法規)、香港交流的法源(中共對港臺交流指導方針、行政法規)、兩地法源的對照(港澳條例 VS 錢七條、臺北市行政法規 VS 香港行政法規)。 第四章 臺北市與香港城市交流的歷程:包括兩地在九七前後的交流,自2000年至2003年分別舉辦兩次雙城論壇及兩次城市市政交流。 第五章 臺北市與香港城市交流的評估:臺北市城市交流的強弱優劣 SWOT 分析及比較兩地城市交流的特色。第六章 結論:提出研究發現、研究建議。 本論文主要研究問題:一、兩岸關係的氛圍對臺港城市交流直接巨大之影響,分析是次臺港城市交流的背景及變遷。二、在兩岸因素下推動是次城市交流的原意是什麼?臺港兩地交流與兩岸交流不同之處及各具之特色?三、是次城市交流是否達到當初預期的目的?四、驅動雙方城市交流的力量是什麼?背後所蘊藏的時代意義?五、今天香港是否依舊可以扮演兩岸關係的避震器之功能和作用?一國兩制對臺垂範作用是否猶在?六、兩地城市交流的發展優勢與限制、未來發展的面向? 馬英九,基於家庭背景,加上個人之人格特質,促成馬英九對推動兩岸三地的城市交流所秉持之理念,從馬市長一直延續到馬總統,在總統任期內開創自1949年以來海峽分治的嶄新局面,也是臺海最和平穩定的歲月。 本研究發現臺北市與香港皆為各自與大陸往來的中介橋樑與緩衝器,其效應可借用新功能主義的溢出效應說明,但經本論文的驗證臺北市與香港的城市交流發現,在2000年-2003年雙邊交流正常;在2004年-2013年交流減少;2020年後所有功能中止。新功能主義無法回應「溢出條件」及「政治化」的重要性。若單純使用新功能主義不足說明政治干預,需搭配強弱優劣SWOT的分析,回應結構條件、過程條件、外部因素等三組溢出條件的分析架構,加入國家安全威脅、交流與互動頻率、政治態度與社會認同;國際環境等條件命題。 這正是新功能主義分析架構及相關研究所缺乏的,因此本論文研究基本完善了相關新功能主義溢出效應不足之處。 This study is based on “A Research on the Interaction Between Taipei City and Hong Kong During Ma Ying-Jeou’s Terms as Mayor of Taipei City (1998-2006).” The full text consists of six chapters: Chapter One is Introduction: research motivation, purpose and main research questions, literature review and discussion, research design. Chapter Two is The background of the interaction between Taipei City and Hong Kong: the structure of the interaction between the two places, the background of Taipei City’s promotion of city communication (Taipei’s prominent role in Taiwan, Taipei’s status in cross-strait relations, Taipei’s foreign city communication policy), Hong Kong’s background of promotion city communication (Hong Kong plays an intermediary role in cross-strait relations, Hong Kong plays a special role in cross-strait relations, and Hong Kong communicates with foreign cities). Chapter Three is Sources of law for interaction between Taipei City and Hong Kong: sources of law for interaction between Taipei City (the Act Governing Relations between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Laws and Regulations Regarding Hong Kong & Macao Affairs, and the Administrative Regulations on Foreign Exchanges of Taipei City), and the sources of law for interaction between Hong Kong (the China government’s guidelines for interaction between Hong Kong and Taiwan, the Laws and Regulations of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the Source of Law in Mainland China for Hong Kong), the comparison of the source of law between Taipei and Hong Kong (the Laws and Regulations Regarding Hong Kong & Macao Affairs vs. the Seven-Point Principle to handle the post-1997 relations with Hong Kong and Taiwan, the Administrative Rules of Taipei City vs. the Administrative Rules of Hong Kong). Chapter Four is The history of city interaction between Taipei City and Hong Kong: including the interaction between the two places around 1997. From 2000 to 2003, the Dual-City Forum and city-to-city communications were held. Chapter Five is Evaluates the city interaction between Taipei City and Hong Kong: SWOT analysis of the city interaction in Taipei City and comparison the characteristics of the city interaction between the two places. Chapter Six is Conclusion: Present research findings and suggestions. The main research questions of this paper are as follows: 1. Can the Taiwan-Hong Kong communication model be a reference model for future cross-strait communication? The atmosphere of cross-strait relations has a direct and massive impact on the communication between cities in Taiwan and Hong Kong. The aim is to analyze the background and changes in the communication between cities in Taiwan and Hong Kong. 2. What is the original intention of promoting cross-strait communication between these cities and what is the influence of cross-strait factors? What are the differences and characteristics of communication between Taiwan and Hong Kong and cross-strait exchanges? 3. Has this city-to-city communication achieved the originally expected purpose? How many of them have been achieved? What has not been achieved and why? What was the reason? What were been the obstacles? 4. After Mayor Ma visits Hong Kong, what is the driving force for promoting city-to-city communication? What is the driving force for cross-strait communication between Taiwan and Hong Kong cities in China? 5. Can Hong Kong still act as a shock absorber for cross-strait relations today? Does the demonstration role of "one country, two systems" still exist for Taiwan? 6. What are the development advantages and limitations of cross-strait city communication, and what are the future development directions? Ma Ying-jeou's family background and personal traits contributed to his concept of promoting cross-strait urban exchanges, which continued from Mayor Ma to President Ma. This new situation is also the most peaceful and stable period in the Taiwan Strait. This study finds that both Taipei City and Hong Kong are intermediary bridges and buffers for their respective exchanges with the mainland, and their effects can be explained by borrowing the spillover effect of neo-functionalism. However, after examining the city interaction between Taipei City and Hong Kong in this paper, it was found that the bilateral exchanges were normal from 2000 to 2003, the exchanges decreased from 2004 to 2013, and all functions were suspended after 2020. Neo-functionalism fails to address the importance of "spillover conditions" and "politicisation". If the use of neo-functionalism alone is not enough to explain political intervention, it needs to be combined with a SWOT analysis of strengths and weaknesses, responding to the analytical framework of three sets of spillover conditions such as structural conditions, process conditions and external factors, and adding national security threats, communication and interaction frequency, political attitudes and factors. Conditional propositions such as social identity and international environment. This is exactly what is lacking in the analytical framework of neofunctionalism and related research. Therefore, the research in this thesis basically perfects the deficiencies in the spillover effects of related neo-functionalism. |
| URI: | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/88567 |
| DOI: | 10.6342/NTU202302197 |
| 全文授權: | 同意授權(全球公開) |
| 顯示於系所單位: | 國家發展研究所 |
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