家的骨，人的根：中國滇西北永寧普米族人延續在地景上的人群構成

Abstract

這篇論文以中國雲南省寧蒗彝族自治縣永寧鄉溫泉村的「普米族」人在百年來的變遷為了解對象。我經由當地社會關係與群體構成的形式，在說普米語的人群與被稱作「摩梭」的納(日)人長久於喜馬拉雅高原東緣相鄰而處的區域脈絡之上，試圖勾勒出在地人群範疇的意義所鑲嵌的一套與當代國家體制平行存在的在地秩序力量，以幫助我們掌握在地社會的轉變與持續。 我以Levi-Strauss所提出的house概念為分析框架，並經由物質形式以及人與所身處空間互動的實踐所具有的象徵效力，來討論社會關係與群體構成的機制與意涵。我在論文中闡述作為此地主要社會單位的「家」是經由哪些在家屋、村落周遭等不同空間上的物質現象與儀式實踐所表徵與凝聚而成，以及當地人理解關係的「根骨(ɻu³⁵)」概念的文化意義與物質實踐基礎。我指出此地的「家」體制經由人們對周遭山水地勢的理解與儀式敬祭所體現的一套地景(landscape)觀念所支持，而永寧的普米族人由嚴格的婚姻體制轉向採納鄰近「摩梭人」不娶不嫁的「走婚」實踐的特殊表現，則是來自於當地人對關係構成的理解，建立在經由生殖所遺傳的屬性以及人持續居處相同空間所累積的關係兩個面向的相互構成之上。 我認為，此地普米族人的「家」是由兩個面向所共同構成的：包括居住在特定地方並由家名(~~bʉ⁵¹)所表徵的群體，以及經由埋放在大地上並具有名字的「根骨」所表徵的持久身分。居住在家屋(tɕiŋ⁵⁵miŋ⁵⁵)中的家戶群體(mɐ⁵⁵qɐ⁵⁵)，是從事經濟生產、累積物質財富、持續繁衍後代，並且對等地實現「根骨」及其所表徵身分的載體；「根骨」則是經由分衍自同一家的各家戶成員在「家屋」空間中完成生命，並在死後成為骨灰被埋放到山中相同地點的過程所生成，一方面是人群一代接續一代地在特定地域空間上居處的具象化，一方面也作為名字而表徵了在此歷程中取自空間也持續傳遞給下一代的屬性，而標示著「家」的來歷源流。我也說明到當地人如何經由「家」體制所再製的「根骨」來理解「普米」身分，並由此提出，作為人群自稱的「普米」即是指代代以「家」體制所提供的方式持續傳承與特定地域共同連結的人群，而傳承根骨的「家」體制則構成再製「普米」身分以及當地族群之間區別的機制。 本論文所闡述的永寧普米族人的例子，呈現出人所身處的周遭空間也可以參與構成人的身體與社會關係，呼應了近來以關係構成的本體預設來討論親屬(kinship)議題的取向，並凸顯出以人觀或個人身體構成(substance)來探問關係構成，可能仍隱含著以「個人」為中心的預設；這一個例子也呈現出，當地人們對於人的身體構成、人與人關係、群體構成以至不同族群之間關係的理解，其實可建立在同一系列的人與所身處空間的關係之上。

This thesis is stimulated by the change of local practices since late 19th century among the “Pumi Zu (Pumi people)” in Yongning Township, which locates in Ninglang Yi autonomous county of Yunnan, China. Regarding the background that the Pumi speakers and the Na(Mosuo) people have lived adjacently for centuries in the eastern margin of Tibetan plateau, and approaching from local formation of social relations and groupings, I attempt to depict a local order that the meanings of native ethnic categories are embedded in, and that coexists with the regime of modern state, in order to help us understand the change and continuity of the local society. In the thesis, I use the concept of ‘House’ suggested by Claude Levi-Strauss to analyze the main social unit of the Pumi in Yong-Ning, and discuss the formation of groupings through the symbolic effect of material forms and spatial practices that engage with the physical surroundings people inhabit. I describe the material phenomena and ritual practices distributed in residential house and areas aroud village that unite and represent the Pumi ‘House’, arguing that the local institution of ‘House’ is supported by a regime of landscape realized through native’s understanding and ritual practices about their physical surroundings. And I interpret the cultural meanings and material basis of the concept of ‘Bone(ɻu³⁵)’, which local people understand their social groupings with. I suggest that the Pumi speakers in Yong-Ning may adopt from the neighboring Na people the visiting practice “walking marriage”, which took the place of Pumi’s strict marriage institution, is based on the feature that the local relations and groupings are formed by the mutual composition of the attribute one inherits from one’s parent through procreation and the relation accumulated by dwelling in the same place. I explain that the Pumi ‘House’ is composed of two parts, one is the group settling in a specific area and represented by a ‘House’ name(~~bʉ⁵¹), another is the enduring identity rooted in the land through the ‘Bone’ buried in the mountains and designated by a name refered as the ‘Bone’ of specific ‘House’. Each group of household(mɐ⁵⁵qɐ⁵⁵) that resides in a physical house(tɕiŋ⁵⁵miŋ⁵⁵) is an equal realization of the identity represented by the ‘Bone’. The household undertakes the works of economic production, accumulates material wealth, and reproduces heirs, to guarantee the continuance of the ‘House’ and the ‘Bone’. And the ‘Bone’ comes into being through the process that individuals accomplish their lives in the main room of the house and become ashes buried in a common site in the mountains for members of all the households derived from a same ‘House’, materializing the fact that the group of people continuously inhabit a specific land from generation to generation, and also representing the attribute inherited from previous generations of the relation accumulated with the land and indicating the human origin of the ‘House’. Moreover, I point out that the Pumi in Yong-Ning understand their ‘Pumi’ identity through the ‘Bone’ that generated and maintained by the institution of ‘House’. Through this, I suggest that the “Pumi” as a self-designated category refers to the people who share certain common connection with a specific land, and that the institution of ‘House’ is the mechanism that reproduces the identity of ‘Pumi’ and its ethnic boundary with other peoples. My analysis of the social formation of Yong-Ning Pumi coincides with the recent discussion of ‘kinship’ through ontology, showing that the physical surroundings an individual dwells in may also engage in the composition of human body and the formation of social relations. This exposes that the approaches to understand relatedness only through body substance or personhood might entail an ego-centric assumption. The case in this thesis also demonstrates that, the native’s understandings about body composition, social relations, groupings and relation between ethnic groups, may all be based on a same series of relations between individual and the physical surroundings one lives in.