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請用此 Handle URI 來引用此文件: http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/41081
標題: 撒奇萊雅語音韻與語音交流研究—母音、重音節、句子語調
The interaction of phonology and phonetics on Sakizaya: vowels, lexical accent and sentential intonation
作者: Chia-jung Ho
何佳容
指導教授: 江文瑜(Wen-yu Chiang)
關鍵字: 撒奇萊雅,音素,母音,重音,語調,音韻學,語音學,
Sakizaya,phoneme,vowel,accent,intonation,phonology,phonetics,
出版年 : 2008
學位: 碩士
摘要: 本篇論文著重於撒奇萊雅語的母音系統、重音節以及句子語調的音韻和語音交流研究。過去撒奇萊雅語的研究甚少,除了基本句型和音韻介紹外,甚少有更近一步的研究。本論文的重要性在於提供了撒奇萊雅語音韻的完整描述,並嘗試用聲學的觀點來驗證其音韻系統。
在這篇研究中,我們提供三種方法來驗證/o/在撒奇萊雅語為一獨立音素,而非僅是 /u/ 的同位音。三種方法分別為:第一,利用聲學中母音共振峰來找出/u/和/o/的共振峰範圍,根據這一範圍,進而將聽覺上認為是/o/的音歸類,結果發現仍有包含/o/的字。第二,利用近似最小變異組來分辨,我們從兩位發音人中找到各一組 /u/和/o/的近似最小變異組,這也顯示兩個音所能出現的音韻環境相同,它們的分布則是不可預測的,所以應被視為不同的音素;第三,根據撒奇萊雅語的日文借字中顯示,大量的日文中的/o/仍被保留,這顯示/o/有可能已經內化成一獨立音素。
第二部份探討撒奇萊雅語的重音節研究,我們參考江和江(2006)在賽夏語重音節研究中的六種參數來找出字重音的聲學特質,這六種參數包括:基礎頻率值、音調異動範圍、基頻最高點排列、斜率、時間長度以及音量強度。結果發現在撒奇萊雅語中,基礎頻率的數值在重音節中最高,音調異動範圍也較非重音節大。 第三部份提供撒奇萊雅語的基本語調描述,包含四種不同的句型:直述句、否定句、是非問句以及疑問詞問句。我們發現,直述句的結尾大多以降調為主;否定句中,否定詞常是整個句子中基礎頻率最高的部份;是非問句中,位於表是非問句句末的標記符號haw大多先以低聲調而後加上一個升調來突顯基礎頻率的對比,因而較容易吸引到聽者的注意;疑問詞問句中,位於句首的疑問詞常在句子中帶有較高的基頻,而句子的結尾大多以降調為主。
本論文對於撒奇萊雅語的母音系統、重音節和句子語調做了一個深度的探討,也對於音韻和語音的交流研究提供了一些理論方法,最後希望這樣的研究方式能對未來撒奇萊雅語音韻和語音的進階研究有所貢獻。
This thesis is the first study investigating the interface between phonology and phonetics in Sakizaya. Three aspects are mainly discussed in this thesis. The first study is focused on the controversial issue that whether /o/ is a phoneme in Sakizaya or not. The second study is about acoustic parameters which can contrast accent from non-accent. The final study aims to provide basic sentential intonation, including four different sentence types. The significance of this current thesis lies in providing not only a thorough sketch of the phonology in Sakizaya but also a theoretical contribution to the interface between phonology and phonetics.
Traditionally, [o] is considered an allophone of /u/ which occurs adjacently to glottal stop or pharyngeal fricative in Sakizaya. We conducted three different methods to support our proposal that/o/ is a separate phoneme in Sakizaya. The first one is to use phonetic analysis to delimit the vowel formant ranges of [u] and allophonic [o] and then we categorize the vowels which perceptually sound like [o]’s according to the vowel formant ranges. We found some words containing /o/ which is not an allophonic [o]. The second method is to find near-minimal pairs. Since two sounds can occur in the same phonological environment, their occurrences are unpredictable, they should be regarded as separate phonemes. In our investigation, we found one near-minimal pair from two of our speakers, respectively. The third method is to use loanword adaptation to propose that /o/ might be internalized in Sakizaya people’s lexicon. Due to repeated inputs of Japanese loanwords containing /o/, /o/ might be acquired and become a new phoneme in Sakizaya.
The second study investigates the acoustic parameters which can contrast accent from non-accent in Sakizaya. Six parameters include F0 height, pitch range, F0 peak alignment, slope, duration and intensity. We found that among the six parameters F0 height and pitch range are main factors that can distinguish accent from non-accent. The final study provides a description of intonation in Sakizaya, including declarative, negation, yes-no question and question-word sentences. Declarative sentences end with a falling pitch. Negators are usually the most prominent item in pitch in negation sentences. Yes-no question sentences has a low-high contrast on the final grammatical marker “haw” at the end of the sentence. Question-word interrogatives end with a falling pitch and question words are usually the most prominent in pitch.
In conclusion, this thesis provides a thorough investigation of the interface between phonology and phonetics and contributes to the further study of Sakizaya in the future.
URI: http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/41081
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