拾荒者的空間經驗、從業歷程與性別差異

Abstract

拾荒者，一個在我們日常生活周遭不斷出現的群體，但這持續的現身並不表示我們對拾荒者會有更深入的理解，反而可能常因看見拾荒者片面的工作過程而形塑了我們的刻板印象。 我選擇台北市的拾荒者做為我的觀察對象，並透過訪談與參與式觀察，來瞭解他們的工作。台北市拾荒者有兩種回收方式來收集回收物：沿街向商店和住家收集，及攔截。民眾要丟到政府資源回收車上的回收物。而在拾荒者的回收過程中，亦因為回收物而與不同對象展開互動，與民眾為不平等的互利關係（沿街收集）、半救濟關係（攔截回收車）；對慈濟環保志工從質疑動機到認同為從業一份子；為政府清潔隊員勸離並保持距離；並依賴回收商的對回收物的購買等。拾荒者在互動關係中的弱勢，與其遭政府資源回收體制所排除的非正式部門的處境有關。 拾荒既為工作，我則說明他們對工作的從業動機與認知，然而，因為拾荒工作的職業地位低落以致於拾荒者會對他們的工作產生羞愧感，以及使他們遭受旁人可憐處境的揣測，他們在拾荒工作上遂有心理上調適過程。而在處理回收物的過程中，則有顯露出新手與老手的分別，且因不良的工作環境，遂產生有一套應變方式。拾荒者亦常在公共空間裡碰見同業，而同業間既為相互競爭又相互同理對方處境，在較競爭的區域亦偶有衝突發生，此時，拾荒者的職業道德規範不僅協助處理各種衝突，亦作為內部評價職業行為的優劣判準。 為了說明拾荒者為高異質性的群體，我亦突顯女性拾荒者的工作經驗，以作為瞭解拾荒者的切面。我發現她們因其性別身份，而面臨家庭與工作之間的衝突，但她們大都選擇犧牲自我時間為代價來滿足兩者的需求。且拾荒工作並不是中性的，男性因能有較高的移動能力而享有優勢，女性則不僅在移動上受限，亦在工作過程中遭逢騷擾與歧視。 最後，拾荒者的低學歷並不表示拾荒工作的低知識、技能；拾荒所得低也並不表示拾荒者處於經濟上的困頓；拾荒者年齡偏高也並不表示拾荒工作為老人的職業。拾荒者的社會評價也不如從事類似回收工作的慈濟環保志工及政府清潔隊員，缺乏慈濟環保志工的環保論述及政府清潔隊員的相關工作福利、保障，讓拾荒者為社會評價最低的職業類別之一。

Although scavengers often appear around us, it doesn’t mean that we certainly have better understanding about them. Seeing piecemeal working process maybe let us formulate our stereotype. For understanding their work, I use interviews and participant observation in Taipei’s scavengers. Scavengers usually gather recyclables from household and shop in the daytime , and intercept recyclables which people used to dump into recycling truck in the evening. Through recyclables, scavengers have interaction with household、shopkeeper、Tzu-Chi recyclers、government recyclers and dealers. Moreover, the interaction is related to scavenger’s situation of informal sector. I also illustrate scavenger’s motive and cognition. However, the occupational status of recycling is so low that scavengers are ashamed of it. It also makes people surmise their poor situation. In recycling process, there is an apparent difference between fresheners and experts. Experts not only have much recyclables but also have many strategies in coping with the danger in work. During working, scavengers often meet people of the same trade. Hence, they sometimes have conflicts with one another. For coping with conflicts, there is occupational ethics. Even, occupational ethics also provides criterion for behavior judgment. In order to make heterogeneity prominent, I also illustrate women’s working experience. I find that women are often confronted with conflicts between family and work. Most of them choose sacrificing an occasion of rest to satisfy the needs of both. Furthermore, women are also restricted in moving ability, and they often suffer discrimination and harassment. Briefly speaking, scavengers are not unskilled, though less-educated; they are not in economic trouble, though the income is less; scavenging is not old people’s occupation, though their ages are older. The occupational evaluation of scavengers isn’t as high as government recyclers, even much less than Tzu-Chi recyclers. Lacking government welfare and environmental discourse, it brings about low occupational status of scavengers.