唐代陝西地區陶堆塑帶座罐及相關問題

Abstract

唐代（618-907）墓葬常見帶座罐出土，其蓋、罐、座的形制隨時期演變，且具有明確的區域性，對於研究唐墓分期及喪葬文化的轉移、交互影響具有重要價值。本文聚焦於唐代陝西地區的帶座罐，依據有無堆塑分為A、B兩個群體：A群以蓋、罐、座三件分離式為主，彩繪主要為花卉紋，歷經盛唐並延續至晚唐；B群目前僅見於陝西地區，多採蓋、罐、座、基座四件分離式，罐身具堆塑，部分彩繪瑞獸卷草紋，墓主身份包括皇室與功臣，流行時間集中於盛唐，初期應為皇帝特許方能使用的明器。

西安唐元不器墓（739）曾出土一件自銘「瓶」的帶座罐蓋，是非常重要的案例。結合敦煌蒙書寫本《雜抄》的「熟食瓶」、唐代王梵志詩文「死則同食瓶」、載錄多為唐代傳奇的《太平廣記》之「食瓶」、「令取瓶中食與之」等文字記錄，筆者認為帶座罐即墓中隨葬之「食瓶」，或可備為一說。換句話說，儘管目前唐代兩京地區不似山西曾出土帶座罐中有食物的案例，亦在墓中有承裝食物的涵義，為魂靈受餓時「引魂」所用。

A、B兩群組成方式、堆塑、彩繪紋樣不盡相同，暗示了不同的目標群體、社會階級及製作工坊。B群形制、堆塑有來自石製品的工藝影響，罐身彩繪的瑞獸卷草紋亦見於同時期石華表、石葬具等。參考唐代隨葬品依材質區分製作單位，石質、陶質器物均由甄官署負責，故不排除部分B群製作工坊即為甄官署。至於瑞獸卷草紋則依工部將作監提供的名家「起樣」，同時雕刻、繪製於石葬具及帶座罐之上。

B群形制變化以玄宗即位之延和元年（712）為界，區分為前（705-712）、後（712-756）兩期。前期中宗、睿宗朝接續政治動盪的武周時期，伴隨著706年至710年間一系列「非命者」的改葬墓，B群於此時出現：最早案例為懿德太子墓（706），至節愍太子墓（710）皆形制相似。其高度超過A群一倍、並新增基座、鋪首、象首、畏獸堆塑，及瑞獸卷草紋之彩繪。前期罐蓋之塔形做工精緻，頂部似有寶珠，考量墓主多為受昭雪及改葬的皇室成員，除了追贈封號、雙室磚墓與石葬具的恩寵外，部分更同時立寺度僧以追福，並透過立廟作樂章讚頌德行。由此觀之，塔形蓋鈕除了延續A群造型，或許亦具有追福意義。罐身堆塑母題承襲南北朝及隋代之蹲姿畏獸、正面象首與鋪首，滿面貼金並朝向四方，具有安鎮意味。其彩繪與石槨、石華表、石門所見之瑞獸卷草紋一致，藉由借鑒牡丹華美外形的卷草，以及長角且肩有羽翼的奇異動物，表現出不同於現實，對死後世界－－如天界、仙界或淨土－－之想像與分界。相同的紋飾使帶座罐與石槨關係更為密切，彷彿置於相同的死後空間。石華表、石門、石槨分別標誌陵園、後室、住宅等不同的空間，為墓主永久的魂靈居所；再結合前述「食瓶」功能及晉至唐以來「壺中天」的思想，則帶座罐很可能暗示著魂靈得以源源不絕取食、甚至是居住的空間。

唐玄宗（在位712-756）即位後的後期，B群罐身裝飾趨於多樣化。金鄉縣主及于隱合葬墓（724）出現鳥形堆塑；右驍衛大將軍薛莫墓（728）則見象、鋪首銜環、猴、蛙等堆塑，相較於前期承襲南北朝、隋代的母題，已發展出獨特面貌。墓主身份亦顯現複雜性：讓皇帝李憲墓（742）規格僅次於帝陵，卻採單室磚墓並隨葬A群帶座罐，僅以罐座的鴛鴦紋與描金彰顯身份。此外，招魂合葬的張思九夫人胡氏墓（747）是目前B群中唯一墓主非三品以上的案例，其罐身獸面額間有「王」字，堆塑數量由八個減至四個。隨著政局穩定、玄宗推行節葬政策、宦官掌權等因素，雙室磚墓迅速消失；帶座罐之形制、母題選擇亦與前期不同，且不再為皇室、功臣專屬。

三彩堆塑帶座罐可分為兩大類別。其一以中堡村唐墓為代表，雖與B群（彩繪堆塑帶座罐）之組成方式不同，但其罐座上部蓮盆及下部的覆缽形，皆與章懷太子墓（706/711）出土者極為相近。不僅如此，罐身以象首及長角獸首相間裝飾的佈局，亦與彩繪堆塑帶座罐之母題選擇雷同。此類三組三彩堆塑帶座罐均出自西安盛唐時期的土洞墓。由長方形墓室形制推斷，墓主原本身份應為庶民。 雖然中堡村唐墓的駱駝、馬俑尺寸上小於鮮于庭誨墓，但工藝精緻，反映出中低階層喪家亦能自由購置品質優良的三彩明器。值得注意的是，由中堡村唐墓出土的兩件三彩帶座罐觀之：一件罐身具堆塑，另一件則全無。這顯示堆塑之有無，似乎並不影響此類三彩帶座罐在喪葬中的核心意義，兩者皆為喪家之選。

其二以契苾明墓出土的三彩四孝帶座罐為代表。唐代帶座罐作為佛教因素與喪葬文化交融的產物，在此器物則展現了與儒家「孝」道的積極融合，屬於一個特殊的系統。該器物除了罐身圖文在《孝子傳》的唐代傳承研究中佔有重要地位外，其器型融合金屬器的懸掛繩結及鏤空技術；配合大比例雲紋與山的堆塑，使此器物或許兼具供養及仙界的意味。若再考慮契苾明碑文中「孝」與「忠」的緊密關聯，對於「孝」的強調，除了期許墓主能夠福蔭子孫外，更可能進一步彰顯鐵勒蕃將後裔對君王的「忠」，是此墓選擇三彩四孝帶座罐的原因。

Pedestaled jars are common funerary artifacts excavated from Tang dynasty (618–907) tombs. The morphology of the lid, jar, and pedestal evolved over time and exhibits distinct regional characteristics, offering significant value for periodizing Tang burials and tracing the transmission and mutual influence of funerary culture. This study focuses on pedestaled jars in the Shaanxi region, categorizing them into two groups based on the presence of appliqués: Group A features a three-piece separable structure adorned primarily with painted floral motifs, originating in the High Tang and persisting into the Late Tang. In contrast, Group B, currently found only in the Xi'an area, typically utilizes a four-piece separable structure (including a base) embellished with appliqués and painted auspicious creatures and grass scrolls. Primarily associated with royalty and meritorious officials, Group B prevailed during the High Tang and was likely restricted as specially permitted imperial mingqi during its inception. The pedestaled jar lid excavated from the tomb of Yuan Buqi (739) in Xi’an, bearing the self-inscription "ping" (vessel), serves as a crucial case study. By synthesizing textual records—such as the "shushiping" (prepared-food vessel) in the Dunhuang Zachao manuscript, Wang Fanzhi’s poetic reference to "sharing the shiping (food vessel) in death," and accounts in the Taiping Guangji mentioning "shiping" and "taking food from the ping to serve"—this study proposes that pedestaled jars functioned as the "food vessels" interred within funerary contexts. Although specimens from the Two Capitals (Xi'an and Luoyang) lack the food remains found in certain Shanxi examples, they likely functioned as symbolic containers of food. These vessels were intended to provide for the deceased, fulfilling the ritual purpose of "guiding the soul" and ensuring the spirit was spared from hunger in the afterlife. The variations in composition, appliqués, and painted motifs between Groups A and B suggest differences in target demographics, social strata, and artisanal workshops. Group B’s morphology and appliqués exhibit influences from stoneworking traditions; notably, the auspicious creatures and grass scrolls on the jars parallel those found on contemporary stone huabiao (ceremonial columns) and funerary furniture. In light of the Tang system where the Zhenguan Shu oversaw both stone and pottery funerary objects, it is plausible that some Group B workshops operated under its jurisdiction. Furthermore, these motifs were likely executed following "master-designed patterns" (qiyang) issued by the Jiangzuo Jian, which were applied concurrently to stone carvings and these pedestaled jars. The evolution of Group B is divided by the ascension of Emperor Xuanzong in 712, distinguishing an Early Phase (705–712) from a Late Phase (712–756). The former coincided with the political restoration following the turbulent Wu Zhou period, marked by a series of high-profile reburials (706–710) for imperial members who had met "unnatural deaths." Group B first emerged in the Tomb of Crown Prince Yide (706), with subsequent examples up to the Tomb of Crown Prince Jiemin (710) maintaining structural consistency. These jars, twice the height of Group A, featured tiered bases and elaborate appliqués alongside painted motifs of auspicious creatures and grass scrolls. The pagoda-shaped lids, featuring refined craftsmanship and pearl-like finials, likely served as symbolic mediums for zhuifu (merit-accruing) rituals. Given that the tomb owners were mostly exonerated royals granted the honors of posthumous titles, dual-chamber brick tombs, and stone funerary sets—often accompanied by the establishment of temples and musical eulogies—the pagoda finial may be seen as a continuation of Group A’s form imbued with new redemptive significance. The jar’s iconographic repertoire—comprising squatting weishou, frontal elephant heads, and pushou—inherited traditions from the Northern-Southern and Sui dynasties. Oriented toward the cardinal directions and embellished with gold leaf, these elements performed an apotropaic function to stabilize the tomb. Furthermore, the painted decor mirrors the auspicious creatures and grass scrolls found on stone funerary furniture and huabiao. By blending the opulent aesthetics of peonies with horned and winged mythical creatures, these motifs demarcated a supernatural realm—be it the celestial heights or a Pure Land. This decorative consistency integrates the pedestaled jar into the same funerary space as the stone funerary sets. While the huabiao, gates, and sarcophagi marked the mausoleum, chambers, and residence respectively, the pedestaled jar—synthesizing its function as a shiping with the huzhongtian (universe in a jar) philosophy—likely signified an inexhaustible spiritual abode for the deceased. Following the ascension of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712-756), the decorative programs of Group B jars underwent a transition toward greater diversity. The appliqued motifs in the joint burial of the Lady of Jinxiang County (724), featuring avian forms, and the Tomb of General Xue Mo (728)—which showcased elephants, pushou mask ring-holders, monkeys, and frogs—marked a distinct departure from the traditional motifs inherited from the Northern-Southern and Sui dynasties. The social standing of the tomb occupants also displayed increasing complexity. Paradoxically, the Tomb of Li Xian (742), posthumously honored as Emperor Rang, was of a status second only to the imperial mausoleums; however, it utilized a single-chamber brick tomb and was furnished with Group A jars, where his lofty rank was signified only by mandarin duck motifs and gold tracing on the pedestals. Furthermore, the tomb of Lady Hu (747), wife of Zhang Sijiu (a zhaohun reburial), represents the only known instance of a Group B jar belonging to an occupant below the third rank. On this vessel, the beast masks were inscribed with the character 'wang', while the number of appliqués was reduced from eight to four. Driven by political stability, Xuanzong’s advocacy for frugal burials, and the rising influence of eunuchs, dual-chamber brick tombs rapidly disappeared. Consequently, the morphology and iconography of pedestaled jars diverged from Early Phase conventions, losing their exclusivity to the imperial family and meritorious officials. Sancai-glazed pedestaled jars with appliqués can be divided into two primary categories. The first is typified by specimens from the Zhongbao Village Tang tomb. Although their composition differs from that of Group B (painted jars with appliqués), the lotus-pedestal upper section and the inverted bowl-shaped base bear a striking resemblance to those unearthed from the Tomb of Prince Zhanghuai (706/711). Furthermore, the alternating arrangement of elephant and horned creature heads on the vessel bodies mirrors the iconographic repertoire of Group B. These three sets of sancai pedestaled jars were found in earth-cave tombs in Xi'an dating to the High Tang period. Based on the rectangular chamber morphology, the tomb occupants were likely commoners. Although the camel and horse figurines from the Zhongbao Village tomb are smaller than those from the Tomb of Xianyu Tinghui, their refined craftsmanship reflects that bereaved families of the lower-to-middle strata could freely acquire high-quality sancai mortuary wares. Notably, the presence of two sancai jars in the Zhongbao Village tomb—one with appliqués and the other plain—suggests that such ornamentation did not fundamentally alter the jars' core funerary significance; rather, both were viable selections for the mourners. The second category is typified by the sancai pedestaled jar featuring the "Four Filial Parables" unearthed from the Tomb of Qibi Ming. As a product of the confluence between Buddhist elements and funerary culture, the Tang dynasty pedestaled jars in this instance manifests a deliberate integration with the Confucian concept of filial piety (xiao), constituting a distinct iconographic system. Beyond its pivotal role in the Tang-era transmission of the Accounts of Filial Sons (Xiaozizhuan), the vessel’s morphology incorporates techniques inspired by metalwork, such as suspended knots and openwork. Combined with the large-scale appliqued cloud motifs and mountain ranges, these features suggest that the jar may have functioned as both a ritual offering vessel and a representation of the celestial realm. Given the close nexus between "filial piety" and "loyalty" (zhong) documented in Qibi Ming’s funerary stele, this emphasis on xiao likely served a dual purpose: it not only sought ancestral blessings for descendants but also, more crucially, affirmed the loyalty of this Tiele general’s descendant to the Tang sovereign. This strategic sociopolitical expression was likely the primary motivation for selecting this unique sancai jar for the burial.