近代「台灣社會」的形成過程：以1920年代至1930年代人之移動所做的探討

Abstract

本論文對1920年代至1930年代台灣居民之移動情形進行研究，並且試圖藉此探討近代「台灣社會」的形成過程。分別為以下三個主題：（一）與職業有關的台灣內遷居（二）入學、畢業及就職等有關學校教育的移動（三）鐵道、公共汽車及腳踏車等交通工具與日常生活中的移動，尤其著眼於：（1）來自不同出身地的人們之間或不同族群之間的相遇、交流、混雜及共同生活（2）社會關係的擴大與連結（3）離鄉意識（4）「出社會」的經驗（5）個人移動圈、生活圈與交流圈的擴大、重疊與連結。以「本島人」為主要研究對象，研究資料除了台灣總督府與州、廳、市、郡、街、庄層級的官方統計與年度報告之外，還利用職員錄、報刊、學校要覽、校刊、同窓會誌及日記等。 1920年代至1930年代，每年至少幾萬個「本島人」離開故鄉，並跨越州、廳遷居到台灣內的「異鄉」，各地可見來自不同地區的人們混雜的情形。其中包括行政機關職員、台灣總督府與相關機關職員、公學校教師、警察、企業職員、團體職員、商工業者、勞工等各種職業的人。尤其是在東部地區和台北市、基隆市、台中市、台南市、高雄市及屏東市等都市，以及新高郡、能高郡、鳳山郡、旗山郡等地區，其他州、廳出身者的比率高達約10%至50%。此外，還有在州、廳內跨越市、郡、街、庄的遷居。隨著人們之遷居，在職場、集合住宅及地域社會產生來自不同地域的人們或不同族群相遇、交流及共同生活的機會。 就讀中等教育學校的「本島人」學生們也經歷自己一個人從故鄉到「異鄉」的移動，學校成為來自不同地域或不同族群的「本島人」學生們相遇、交流及共同生活的空間。尤其是私立中學校、農業學校等的「本島人」學生，其出身地分布擴及到北、中、南、東部及澎湖等地域。學生們畢業後分散到台灣內的各個地域，並且以個人的職業為基礎參與「社會」。「同鄉會」、「同窓會」等重新建立的同質性組織，在社會生活中提供情感紐帶意義以及互相協助、追求利益功能。 以鐵道和公共汽車路線相輔相成的公共交通網絡細密地擴大到台灣各地，公共交通工具融入包含「本島人」的台灣居民生活中。除旅遊、觀光外，還有以購物、商業、娛樂、醫療、探親訪友、家事、通學、回老家等日常生活中的活動為目的，許多地域的車站與路線，每天都有不少的乘客使用鐵道或公共汽車往返。乘客類型包括商人、農民、工匠、學生等。 腳踏車也急速普及到「本島人」的日常生活中。1930年代後期，「本島人」所擁有的腳踏車共計逾35萬台，每百戶就有35台以上的腳踏車，尤其在南部地區平原的市、街、庄，可見每2戶就有1台以上的高普及率。上班族、商人、店員、勞工、學生、女性、農民、原住民等，以工作、購物、通勤通學、探親訪友及娛樂等為目的騎乘腳踏車，並且其移動範圍有時會跨越市、街、庄界線，甚至是河川。使用鐵道、公共汽車等公共交通工具、腳踏車的個人移動圈，以及日常生活活動擴大到包含鄰近複數市、街、庄的範圍，增加新的交流機會與交流頻率，同時帶來社會、經濟關係的擴大、相互連結及密度增加。 隨著人們之移動，從來都沒有相見，連相遇的可能性都沒有的他人們，可以以個人為單位互相交流或是必須互相溝通了，並且台灣居民之間的新舊社會關係不斷地互相連結而擴張，增加了其複雜性與密度。同時以直接、間接的社會關係為基礎，對於社會的空間範圍與社會成員的認識、想像持續擴大。此社會關係網絡與社會認識的擴大方向逐漸涵蓋整個台灣島，以及附近島嶼的地理空間與居民之範圍的趨向。在其過程當中生活於台灣的每個人漸成為「台灣社會」的成員。這是台灣居民以移動、交流及社會關係的「近代性」為基礎，形成近代「台灣社會」的重要階段。

This dissertation studies the mobility of Taiwanese people in the 1920s and 1930s and contributes to a deeper understanding of the formation process of modern Taiwanese society. It includes three themes: 1. Domestic migration in Taiwan for professional reasons; 2. Mobility related to school enrollment, education and graduation; 3. The use of railways, buses and bicycles in daily life. It especially focuses on the following points: (1) The meeting, communication and mixing of people from different regions and ethnic groups; (2) The expansion of social relations and strengthening of social bonds; (3) Nostalgia for home; (4) A new experience of “being a member of a same homogenous society”; (5) The expansion of individual mobility as well as daily life activities and interaction. Research sources include government statistics, official annual reports and directories from various levels (island, regions, prefectures, cities and townships), newspaper articles, as well as school statistics, annual reports, magazines, students lists, alumni directories, personal diaries, etc. During the 1920s and 1930s, each year tens of thousands of Taiwanese people left their prefecture of birth to move to another prefecture on the island. These people included officials of the Government-General of Taiwan, local government officers, teachers of government schools, police officers, company employees, self-employed businessmen and workers of various professions. In many prefectures, the ratio of people coming from another prefecture was between 10% and 50%, especially in the eastern Taiwan cities and districts of Taipei, Keelung, Taichung, Tainan, Pingtung and Kaohsiung. Such an internal migration increased opportunities for people from different regions and ethnic groups to meet, communicate and live together. Secondary school and high education level students experienced this migration from home to an “non-native” area as well. This was especially the case for those studying in private middle schools and public vocational schools of agriculture and forestry. It enabled Taiwanese from northern, central, southern, eastern Taiwan and Penghu islands to meet. After graduation, those students dispersed once again to various regions of Taiwan to find a job and pursue their personal career. Associations of people originating from the same prefecture or alumni associations offered emotional support and mutual assistance to adapt to new environments. About the same time, the public transportation network formed by railways and buses expanded to wider areas of Taiwan. Not only Japanese colonisers but also many Taiwanese people began to use railways and buses in daily life. Passengers were businessmen, craftsmen, students or others—both men and women. The purpose of travel included shopping, business, medical care, visiting relatives or friends, family matters, commuting to school, returning to home region, leisure, and sightseeing. In the late 1930s, the number of bicycles owned by Taiwanese people was more than 350,000 units, in other words, more than 35 per 100 households. In cities, towns, and villages located in the southern plain area, the ownership rate reached one bicycle per two households or even higher. Bicycle users included office workers, merchants, shop assistants, blue collar workers, students, farmers, housewives, aborigines, etc. They rode bicycles for work, shopping, commuting to school, visiting relatives and friends, or leisure, sometimes going as far as crossing the boundaries of cities, towns, villages or even large rivers. Using railways, buses, bicycles for personal mobility and daily life activities expanded the ways in which people interacted. It also increased opportunities for new interactions which became increasingly frequent and dense leading to a great expansion of social and economic relationships. As people were increasingly mobile, individuals who had never met now had the opportunity to meet and communicate with each other, namely because they were more or less forced to communicate and interact with each other. This caused relations among Taiwanese people to grow in complexity and density. At the same time, people’s understanding and imagination of the spatial range of society also expanded until it covered the whole island of Taiwan and its nearby islands. In this way, individuals living in Taiwan became active members of Taiwanese society, which in itself was swiftly entering into modernity.