依附或割裂的地方經驗？ 台北市寶藏巖聚落的地方認同研究

Abstract

寶藏巖聚落原屬都市邊緣地帶由居民自力營造出的聚落，十多年間歷經台北市政府違建拆遷的威脅、空間專業者介入運作聚落保存運動到以文資法指定歷史聚落建築以藝術村形式保存。在此過程中，寶藏巖原本封閉的地理形制可謂門戶大開。「外來者」不斷進入/涉入的影響，不但改變了聚落的生活與未來，更與在土地上生活的居民競逐地方空間的使用權與意義。 本研究從寶藏巖聚落居民的生活觀察與聚落生活史的回溯，嘗試理解居民對於違建聚落作為一個生活場址所執的地方認同(place-identity)內涵、地方認同與個人認同間的關連。又其中違建的環境經歷如何作用在個人地方意義與地方認同的建構中。研究發現違建的環境歷程對居民社會心理上的衝擊主要在於環境經營、人與環境情感聯繫的矛盾心理上。對於生活環境經營採過渡與暫時的態度，讓主體在認同與實踐行動間出現矛盾；家意義與地方認同在具體化的過程中因不能自由伸展而產生焦慮。外力進出頻繁地改造空間，重塑地景、拆除重要的記憶地點與生活場景。而地景劇烈地變化形同空間的斷裂，使居民感受地點的失去(loss of place)。其普遍感受自己無能控制環境，隨時承受著可能被拆遷的陰霾，即使是指定歷史聚落，還要擔心居留正當性的問題。其不但無法延伸對地方未來的想像，更無法信賴環境具有恆久性，生活中經常感到焦慮。這些違建宿命所衍生的現實壓力、種種複雜都市政治過程的壓迫，其實正割裂（disembed）主體與地方的情感聯繫，稀釋了地方感。 由於聚落居民生活在承載高度社會歧視與污名想像的違建場域中，在面對外來者/他者時，主體地方認同的展現乃涉及敏感細緻的形象整飭、污名調適與在居住權益考量下所作的認同政治判斷，因而需要透過更細緻的地方生活觀察、日常生活分析始有可能釐清。所以在研究方法上，多倚賴參與觀察的方式，觀察鄰里生活與鄰人互動的模式。透過鄰里相互評價的內容，解讀不同社群間彼此區隔的界線，了解聚落中居民組成的多元性和歧異度。而其彼此間的區隔與評價在分析中主要用以理解、比較認同的內涵與鄰里互動的模式、鄰人間的社會距離。 另一方面，也觀察不斷進入聚落、多元異質的人、事所逐漸刺激、誘發了居民的特定反應模式。研究發現居民面對外來者的態度乃有其特殊的模式與意義。居民在面對外來者的敘事中，慣性地以批評鄰人的不是、比較以證澄自身居住違建的正當性。這些言談內容並非無意識的街談巷議，而是有其目的性；即在於污名調適、爭取認同與為居住權益而戰。而在批評鄰人的過程中，區隔自我與鄰人的污名或與其行為背後的道德評價，以達到鞏固自我認同的目的。 而外來團隊在聚落從事社區營造或規劃工作時，營建了新的公共空間，這些空間位址或許原來屬於「私有」，而今被賦予了「公共」的中性意義，部分空間的象徵意義轉化了，聚落居民在新的空間中操演新的行為，重構對鄰里空間的認知。尤其在藝術村規劃案期間引進聚落的藝術活動和市民凝視的眼光，為寶藏巖罩上了一層高級化或是底層基進抵抗運動浪漫思維的濾光鏡。居民或發現了外來者眼光的轉變，此時外來者走進他們的生命作為一張面鏡，讓居民有機會轉換觀點自我凝視，也重新看待外來者。地方空間同時作為居民的生活場域與外來者另類都市歷史與美學象徵意義所鑲嵌的載體；引發居民轉換對於空間象徵意義的思考，對於地方的認同也出現了轉化的情形。然而居民本身在地方認同上的轉化情形也因不同個體的條件而出現不同的轉化結果與模式。 當外來者出現時，居民感受到對於聚落空間的使用權力、地方意義上都出現了競爭的對象，於是確立了一個共同面對的「他者」的角色。面對異質的他者時，反身自我凝視、與污名調適的動作更加頻繁。外來者的進入，壓縮了空間上的距離，讓此類「目的性的展演」在每日生活的場域/後檯中上演。其中又逐漸發展出目的性強烈的地方認同展現模式，以為居住權益而戰。然而，若只看到居民為現實居住利益考量而展演認同，卻未免過於簡化了認同機制的複雜性，也或許忽略了其中關於主體借由重構地方認同的歷程同時達成轉化、鞏固自我認同的機制。

Located in the margin of the city, Treasure Hill was a settlement formatted by the way of self –help building. In more than ten years, the place has been menaced by enforced relocation from the Taipei City Government. Later, the planning and architectural professionals also aroused the preservation movement of the settlement and finally made it assigned as a Historical Settlement with the Cultural Heritage Preservation Law and preserved it in the form of an Art Village. In the process, the close geographical character of Treasure Hill has been turned to open. The continual influences from the outlanders not only changed the life but future of the settlement. They also competed with the residents of the right of space and the meaning of the place. Approached from observing the residents’s daily life in Treasure Hill and tracking the living history of the whole settlement, this research tried to digged out the place-identity of the residents, which was developed on the base of living in the “illegal” building. At the meanwhile, I tried to comprehend the interrelation between place- identity and self- identity. The research also focused on how the environmental past of living in the self-help buildings acted on the construction of the place-identity and the meaning of place belong to an individual. The research has found the impacts left by the environmental past of living in Treasure Hill mainly work on the paradoxical psychology of management of the environment and the attachment to the land. The subject encounters conflicts between identification and practice when managed living environment because she/he took a transitional and tentative attitude. The residents felt anxious during the process when the meaning of home and place- identity emboded because of being restricted. External forces frequently change the space, reshape the landscape, and demolish important sites of memory and living scenes However, the drastic changes of landscape are just as the fractions of the space, that make the residents suffer the loss of place. They always feel unable to control the environment, and bearing the threaten of enforced relocated. Even though now Treasure Hill is registered as a Historical Settlement Architecture, the residents still have to worry about the rightness of their stay. They could not imagine the future of the place, and could not believe in an enduring life environment, either. They often feel uneasy. The oppressions in the political process, and the complexities of the illegal/self-help building actually disembedded the emotions of subjects to the place and thus diluted the sense of place. Concerning the residents living in the field under highly social discrimination and the imagination of stigma, the research calls for more detailed observations of local life and analysis of everyday life. Because the subject’s performances of place-identity are relevant of sensitive management of individule image, adjustment of stigma and judgement of personal political identity based on the right to stay, the method in the research taken was mainly participatory observation. By the mutual assess of the neighborhood, I tried to recognize the lines between different groups and the plurality and diversity of the residents in the settlement. In my analysis, I tried to comprehend and compare the immanence of their identity, the interaction mode in the neighborhood and their social distances between each other based on their mutual demarcation and evaluation on one hand. On the other hand, my observation also focused on the diverse people and events gragually involved in the settlement which stimulated the residents’s specified reactions. The research found the residents keep their own special attitudes facing the outlanders. They usually make comparison with their own neighbors to clarify the rightness for staying in their own house by blaming other illegal squatters. Those conversations are not unconsciously naggings or gossip, but of specified purposes; that is to combat for their dwelling right, to strive for their identity and to adjust the stigma put on them. Through judging other neighbors to separate themselves from the stigma or moral evaluation of others, they achieve the purpose of consolidating self- identification. While those planners or student teams executed building or planning projects in community, new public sphere was built on the space. The space that was “belong to” private before is given public meanings nowadays. Not only part of the representational meanings of the space was transformed, but also the residents performed new behavior. They also reformatted their recognition of the neighborhood. A good example could be given by the influences brought by the gaze of the citizens, which were introduced by the art events during the planning process of the art village. The gaze from outsiders cast a lens of gentrification and romantic thoughts about the progressive resistant movement from the grassroot. This had made residents to notice the change of the gaze from the society. The residents regard the outlander’s involvement in their life as a mirror, so that they might change their perspectives to themselves, and review the outlanders as well. The place is both a living field and a carrier bearing alternative meanings of urban history and representational esthetics. The phenomenon made the residents change their thinking of the representational meanings of space and place-identity. It resulted in different outcomes and modes, however, when different individuals have their own transforming state of their place- identity in different conditions. A role as “Other” was identified collectively when the residents observed the opponent from outside in competing for the right of the settlement space and the meanings of place. In the face of the heterogeneous other, they acted for reflective self-gaze and adjustment of stigma label more frequently. The entry of the outlanders compressed the spatial distance and thus resulted in the “intentional performance” played in the field of daily life/ back stage. Among their performances, mode of strong intentional one was especially developed for the right to stay. Nevertheless, it would be too simplified to comprehend their identity only as performances with the purpose of staying rights. We should not ignore that the reformation of place-identity was actually contributed to their transformation and consolidation of self-identity.