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請用此 Handle URI 來引用此文件: http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/99303
完整後設資料紀錄
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dc.contributor.advisor徐斯勤zh_TW
dc.contributor.advisorSzue-chin Philip Hsuen
dc.contributor.author陳樂鋒zh_TW
dc.contributor.authorLok Fung CHANen
dc.date.accessioned2025-08-22T16:06:10Z-
dc.date.available2025-08-23-
dc.date.copyright2025-08-22-
dc.date.issued2025-
dc.date.submitted2025-08-14-
dc.identifier.citationAdministration Team of the EU Delegation to the United States. (2025, June 16). EU Assistance to Ukraine (in U.S. Dollars). https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/united-states-america/eu-assistance-ukraine-us-dollars_en?s=253
Agence France-Presse. (2022, October 11). Putin ‘Miscalculated’ Russia’s Ability to Occupy Ukraine, Biden Says. Voice of America. https://www.voanews.com/a/putin-miscalculated-russia-s-ability-to-occupy-ukraine-biden-says/6785787.html
Aitken, P., & Trulio, D. (2022, September 21). Finland president says Putin ‘all in’ for Ukraine, claims Russia misunderstood how ‘willing’ West was to help. Fox News. https://www.foxnews.com/world/finland-president-says-putin-all-ukraine-claims-russia-misunderstood-how-willing-west-was-help
Al Jazeera Centre for Studies. (2022a). War in Ukraine enters its second month: Serious implications and far-reaching change. Aljazeera Centre For Studies. http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/policy-briefs/war-ukraine-enters-its-second-month-serious-implications-and-far-reaching-changes
Al Jazeera Centre for Studies. (2022b, April 6). Speakers at the AJCS conference: Russian war on Ukraine is destabilising the international order and hastening transformations. http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/events/speakers-ajcs-conference%C2%A0russian-war-ukraine-destabilising-international-order-and-hastening
Ålander, M. (2023, March 11). High North, High Tension: The End of Arctic Illusions. Foreign Policy Research Institute. https://www.fpri.org/article/2023/05/high-north-high-tension-the-end-of-arctic-illusions/
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dc.identifier.urihttp://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/99303-
dc.description.abstract本碩士論文探討芬蘭在2022年俄烏戰爭爆發後,如何放棄其長期奉行的軍事不結盟政策並加入北大西洋公約組織(NATO)的決策過程。透過基於格雷厄姆·艾利森(Graham Allison)理性行為者模式(Rational Actor Model)的全面成本效益分析,本論文研究俄烏衝突如何根本性地改變了芬蘭的戰略考量,導致其在戰爭開始後三個月內迅速加入北約。
論文採用雙重理論框架,結合理性行為者模式與史蒂芬·沃爾特(Stephen Walt)的威脅平衡理論(Balance of Threat Theory),解釋芬蘭前所未有的外交政策轉變。理性行為者模式為理解芬蘭作為追求國家利益最大化的統一決策主體提供分析基礎,而威脅平衡理論則闡明芬蘭對俄羅斯侵略意圖(aggressive intentions)的認知,而非僅僅軍事能力,如何驅動其聯盟決策。
分析框架將自變量分為成本相關因素和效益相關因素。成本相關變量主要涉及芬蘭正式加入北約前俄羅斯軍事報復的可能性。分析顯示,俄羅斯在烏克蘭的軍事退化——體現在未能實現戰爭目標、從北方地區大規模調兵、人員裝備重大損失、部隊士氣低落,以及廣泛的動員困難——顯著降低了俄羅斯對芬蘭潛在報復的可能性和嚴重性,從而降低了北約成員資格的相對成本。
效益相關變量聚焦於北約第5條集體防禦保障的價值,這與芬蘭對未來俄羅斯威脅的評估直接相關。論文展示俄烏戰爭如何促使芬蘭決策者透過三個關鍵視角重新評估俄羅斯的侵略意圖:將衝突與芬蘭冬季戰爭經驗聯繫的歷史記憶、俄羅斯對北歐地區日益增強的關注,以及在普京日益不可預測領導下俄羅斯帝國主義和擴張主義的感知升級。
此論文採用質性文獻分析方法,檢視芬蘭政府報告、議會辯論、官方聲明和國防評估。比較芬蘭2021年和2024年國防報告顯示了從強調自主防衛能力的軍事不結盟政策向優先考慮集體安全保障的全面北約整合的轉變。
此論文表明,芬蘭的北約加入決定基於成本下降和效益增加,代表了理性的戰略選擇。本論文透過提升對不對稱權力條件下小國安全決策的理解,論述歷史經驗如何增強而非扭曲理性威脅評估。論文更揭示威脅認知,特別是對侵略意圖的認知,在聯盟形成中比總體實力計算更具決定性,嘗試為小國在大國競爭時代應對複雜地緣政治變革提供了其見解。
zh_TW
dc.description.abstractThis thesis examines Finland's decision to abandon its longstanding policy of military non-alignment and join NATO following the 2022 Russia-Ukraine War. Through a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis grounded in Graham Allison's Rational Actor Model, this study investigates how the conflict fundamentally altered Finland's strategic calculus, leading to its rapid NATO accession within three months of the war's commencement.
The thesis employs a dual theoretical framework combining the Rational Actor Model with Stephen Walt's Balance of Threat Theory to explain Finland's unprecedented foreign policy transformation. Whilst the Rational Actor Model provides the analytical foundation for understanding Finland as a unitary decision-maker seeking to maximise national interests, the Balance of Threat Theory illuminates how Finland's perception of Russian aggressive intentions, rather than mere military capabilities, drove its alliance decision.
The analytical framework divides independent variables into cost-related factors and benefit-related factors. Cost-related variables primarily concern the likelihood of Russian military retaliation before Finland's formal NATO accession. The analysis reveals that Russia's military degradation in Ukraine—evidenced by unfulfilled war objectives, massive force reallocations from northern regions, substantial personnel and equipment losses, declining troop morale, and widespread mobilisation difficulties—significantly reduced the probability and severity of potential Russian reprisals against Finland, thereby lowering the relative costs of NATO membership.
Benefit-related variables focus on the value of NATO's collective defence guarantees under Article 5, which correlates directly with Finland's assessment of future Russian threats. The thesis demonstrates how the Russia-Ukraine War prompted Finnish decision-makers to reassess Russian aggressive intentions through three critical lenses: historical memory connecting the conflict to Finland's Winter War experience, Russia's intensified focus on Northern European regions, and the perceived escalation of Russian imperialism and expansionism under Putin's increasingly unpredictable leadership.
The research employs qualitative document analysis of Finnish government reports, parliamentary debates, official statements, and defence assessments. Comparison of Finland's 2021 and 2024 Defence Reports illustrates the transformation from military non-alignment emphasising autonomous defence capabilities to full NATO integration prioritising collective security guarantees.
Key findings demonstrate that Finland's NATO accession represented a rational strategic choice based on decreasing costs and increasing benefits. The thesis advances understanding of small state security decision-making under asymmetric power conditions and demonstrates how historical experience enhances rather than distorts rational threat assessment. It reveals that threat perception, particularly regarding aggressive intentions, proves more decisive in alliance formation than aggregate power calculations, offering insights for small states navigating complex geopolitical transformations in an era of great power competition.
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dc.description.tableofcontentsOral Defence Approval Form 口試委員會審定書 i
Acknowledgements ii
誌謝 vii
Abstract x
摘要 xii
Contents xiv
List of Figures xviii
List of Tables xix
Chapter 1 – Background 1
1.1 The 2022 Russia-Ukraine War 2
1.1.1 International Responses and Assistance 5
1.1.2 Before Finnish NATO Application 7
1.2 Research Questions 11
1.3 Research Significance 14
1.3.1 Finland's Adaptive Foreign Policy Evolution 14
1.3.2 Theoretical Contributions to International Relations Scholarship 15
1.3.3 Filling Critical Gaps in Small State Security Studies 16
1.3.4 Historical Experience and Foreign Policy Analysis 17
1.4 Theoretical Framework 18
1.5 Research Framework 23
1.6 Research Methods 26
Chapter 2 – Literature Review 28
2.1 Current State of Scholarship on Finland's NATO Accession 28
2.1.1 Public Opinion-Centred Studies 29
2.1.2 Process-Focused and Institutional Studies 31
2.1.3 Realist Security-Focused Studies 32
2.1.4 Shelter-Seeking and Small State Studies 33
2.1.5 Historical Institutionalist and Geopolitical Perspectives 34
2.1.6 Economic and Option Theory Studies 35
2.2 Intended Dialogues with the Existing Literature 36
Chapter 3 – Finland’s Strategic Evolution before the 2022 Invasion 37
3.1 Finland’s Historical Ties with Russia 37
3.2 The Winter War and the Continuation War 40
3.3 Finlandisation 42
3.4 From Neutrality to Non-alignment 44
3.5 Structured Partnership with NATO 47
3.6 Finland’s Pathway to NATO 48
3.7 Summary: Continuity through Adaptation 49
Chapter 4 – Cost-Benefit Analysis 51
4.1 Cost-Related Independent Variables 52
4.1.1 Pre- and Post-War Military Capacity in Finland and Russia 53
4.1.2 Unfulfilled Russian War Goals 55
4.1.3 Reallocation of Russian Forces 57
4.1.4 Russian Arms and Soldier Losses 60
4.1.5 Troop Morale and More Difficult Personnel Mobilisation 62
4.1.6 Finnish and International Political Assessments of Russian Force Levels 64
4.1.7 Analysing Cost-Related Independent Variables 68
4.2 Benefit-Related Independent Variables 69
4.2.1 NATO’s Article 5 and Collective Defence 70
4.2.2 NATO’s Nuclear Deterrence 74
4.2.3 Russia's Heightened Focus on Northern European Regions 76
4.2.4 Recalling Historical Memory with Russia 80
4.2.5 Russian Intertwined Ideological and Strategic Motivations 84
4.2.6 Analysing Benefit-Related Independent Variables 92
4.3 Finland’s Strategic Alternatives Post-2014 and 2022 93
4.4 From Autonomy to Alliance: Pre- and Post-Accession Defence Reports Assessed 98
4.5 The Other Side of the Equation: Inherent Trade-offs 102
4.5.1 From Energy Dependency to Self-Sufficiency 103
4.5.2 Intensified “Broad-spectrum Influencing” from Russia 104
4.5.3 Autonomy Challenges in Finnish Defence 106
4.5.4 Russia’s Military Posturing, Border Buildup and Escalating Threat Environment 107
4.6 Summarising the Cost-Benefit Analysis 109
Chapter 5 – Conclusion 114
5.1 Research Findings 118
5.1.1 Restoring the Cost-Benefit Assessment of Finland’s NATO Accession 118
5.1.2 Small States’ Timely Security-Policy Transitions 121
5.1.3 Progress and Insight in Theoretical Application 123
5.2 Research Limitations 125
References 127
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dc.language.isoen-
dc.subject威脅平衡理論zh_TW
dc.subject北大西洋公約組織zh_TW
dc.subject芬蘭zh_TW
dc.subject俄烏戰爭zh_TW
dc.subject成本效益分析zh_TW
dc.subject小國安全研究zh_TW
dc.subject軍事不結盟zh_TW
dc.subjectRussia-Ukraine Waren
dc.subjectMilitary Non-alignmenten
dc.subjectNorth Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)en
dc.subjectSmall State Security Studiesen
dc.subjectBalance of Threats Theoryen
dc.subjectFinlanden
dc.subjectCost-Benefit Analysisen
dc.title俄烏戰爭後芬蘭選擇加入北約的決策分析zh_TW
dc.titleAn Analysis of Finland's Decision to Enter into NATO after the Ukraine Waren
dc.typeThesis-
dc.date.schoolyear113-2-
dc.description.degree碩士-
dc.contributor.coadvisor蘇翊豪zh_TW
dc.contributor.coadvisorYi-hao Suen
dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee賴昀辰;林宣佑zh_TW
dc.contributor.oralexamcommitteeYun-Chen LAI;Shane Hsuan-yu LINen
dc.subject.keyword芬蘭,北大西洋公約組織,俄烏戰爭,成本效益分析,小國安全研究,威脅平衡理論,軍事不結盟,zh_TW
dc.subject.keywordFinland,North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO),Russia-Ukraine War,Cost-Benefit Analysis,Small State Security Studies,Balance of Threats Theory,Military Non-alignment,en
dc.relation.page169-
dc.identifier.doi10.6342/NTU202504383-
dc.rights.note同意授權(全球公開)-
dc.date.accepted2025-08-15-
dc.contributor.author-college社會科學院-
dc.contributor.author-dept政治學系-
dc.date.embargo-lift2025-08-23-
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