請用此 Handle URI 來引用此文件:
http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/95729完整後設資料紀錄
| DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
|---|---|---|
| dc.contributor.advisor | 陳世民 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.advisor | Shih-min Chen | en |
| dc.contributor.author | 李讚 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.author | Chan Lee | en |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2024-09-15T17:02:01Z | - |
| dc.date.available | 2024-09-16 | - |
| dc.date.copyright | 2024-09-15 | - |
| dc.date.issued | 2024 | - |
| dc.date.submitted | 2024-08-11 | - |
| dc.identifier.citation | 參考文獻
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Jaeheung(정재흥),2017/9,〈最近根據韓中安全進退兩難的韓半島安全體制構建考察(최근 한중간 안보 딜레마에 따른 한반도 안보 체제 구축 고찰)〉,《軍事論壇(군사논단)》,第91期,頁 19-41。 Kim, Beobheon & Kim, Deokgi(김법헌 및 김덕기),2019/1, 〈中國臺灣海峽危機管理教訓對美國應對戰略和軍事力量的影響(중국의 대만해협 위기관리 교훈이 미국 대응 전략 과 군사력에 미친 함의)〉,《大韓政治學回報(대한정치학회보)》,第27卷第2期,頁 77-102。 Kim, Jaecheol & Park, Inhwi(김재철 및 박인휘),2004/12, 〈臺灣危機時美中關係的展開和對東亞及韓半島安全的含義(대만 위기시 미-중관계의 전개와 동아시아 및 한반도 안보에 대한 함의)〉,《韓國戰略問題研究中心研究報告(한국전략문제연구소 연구보고서)》,第86卷第2期,頁 2-86。 KOTRA(Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency),2023/7,〈北韓對外貿易動向(2022북한 대외무역 동향)〉,《KOTRA》,頁 1-144。 KOTRA(Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency),2011/7,〈北韓對外貿易動向(2010북한 대외무역 동향)〉,《KOTRA》,頁 1-64。 Kwon, Kichang(권기창),2022/7,〈烏克蘭戰爭現狀和展望。中俄關系、中臺關係、對韓國的啓示(우크라이나 전쟁 현황과 전망. 중러관계, 중대만관계, 한국에 주는 시사점)〉,《外交(외교)》,第142期,頁 151-163。 Lee, Hongjung & Lim, Kyunghan(이홍정 및 임경한),2022/7, 〈美國通過擴大夥伴關係來牽制中國的戰略和含義(미국의 파트너십 확대를 통한 對중국 견제전략과 함의)〉,《INSS戰略報告(INSS 전략 보고)》,第22卷第2期,頁1-36。 Lee, Namjoo(이남주),2021/6,〈文在寅政府時期的韓中關係評價。戰略合作伙伴關係可持續嗎?문재인 정부 시기 한중 관계 평가. 전략적 협력동반자 관계는 지속 가능한가?)〉,《動向與展望(동향과 전망)》,第112期,頁 123-154。 Moon, Gyesung(문계성),2023/6,〈中國入侵臺灣時,對韓半島的威脅分析和應對(중국의 대만 침공 시 한반도 위협 분석과 대응)〉,《韓國邊境地區統一研究(접경지역통일연구)》,第7卷第1期,頁 1-29。 Nam, Seokmo & Choi, Jun & Jeong, Yeongcheol & Cho, Yunhae(남석모,최준,정영철,조윤해),〈我國對美國出口結構變化的評價及未來展望(우리나라의 對미국 수출구조 변화 평가 및 향후 전망)〉,《Bank of Korea Issue Note》,第2024卷第9期,2024年4月,頁 1-15。 Park, Byungkwang(박병광),2022/11, 〈圍繞臺灣問題的軍事衝突可能性和我們的應對方向(대만 문제를 둘러싼 군사적 충돌 가능성과 우리의 대응방향)〉,《INSS戰略報告(INSS 전략 보고)》,第22卷第187期,頁 1-14。 Shin, Jungho(신정호),2017/9, 〈中國海軍航空母艦建造及運用戰略研究(중국해군의 항공모함 건조 및 운용전략에 관한 연구 ) 〉 , 《 軍事論壇 ( 군사논단)》,第91期,頁 42-67。 Son, Jungsoo & Nam, Jaegun(손정수 및 남재건),2021/1,〈軍隊情報機關功能路徑變化分析 : 從歷史制度主義觀點出發,以機務司令部爲中心(군 정보기관 기능의 경로 변화 분석: 역사적 제도주의 관점에서 기무사령부를 중심으로)〉,《韓國組織學會報(한국조직학회보)》,第17卷第4期,頁 28-60。 Song, Ji-yeon(송지연),2020/9,〈韓中兩國圍繞薩德部署的政治矛盾對經濟關係產生的影響(사드 배치를 둘러싼 한국과 중국의 정치적 갈등이 경제 관계에 미치는 영향)〉,《韓國與國際政治(한국과 국제정치)》,第36卷第3期,頁133-168。 Woo, Jungyeop(우정엽),2021/4,〈拜登政府的對華政策和我們的戰略舉措(바이든 정부의 대중 정책과 우리의 전략적 접근)〉,《INSS戰略報告(INSS 전략 보고)》,第10卷第4期,頁 24-26。 Yoo, Hyunjung & Joo, Jaewoo(유현정 및 주재우),2017/6,〈中國對韓國部署薩德的決定的韓國經濟報復與韓國的應對方案(한국의 사드배치 결정에 대한 중국의 대한(對韓)경제보복과 한국의 대응 방안)〉,《世界地域硏究論叢》,第35卷第2期,頁 167-186。 三、學位論文 Choi, Sangbok(최상복),2015,〈駐韓美軍戰略價值研究(주한미군의 전략적 가치에 대한 연구)〉,《漢陽大學 政治外交係 博士論文(한양대학교 박사학위 논문)》。 Jung, Yongbum(정용범),2006,〈韓美聯合防衛體制的變化研究-以收回戰時作戰指揮權和駐韓美軍的戰略靈活性爲中心(한미 연합방위체제의 변화 연구 - 전시 작전통제권 환수와 주한미군의 전략적 유연성을 중심으로)〉,《京畿大學 外交安全係 博士論文(경기대학교 박사학위논문)》。 Kang, Jootaek(강주택),2017,〈東北亞安全環境的變化和韓美同盟作用的研究(동북아 안보환경의 변화와 한미동맹의 역할에 관한 연구)〉,《東亞大學政治係 博士論文)》。 Kim, Hyunseung(김현승),2021,〈研究中國海洋戰略變化特徵及因素(중국 해양 전략의 변화 특징 및 요인 연구)〉,《忠南大學 國際地域系 博士論文(충남대학교 박사논문)》。 Kim, Yeseul(김예슬),2020,〈南海海洋糾紛與灰色地帶戰略:中國海上民兵隊案例研究(남중국해 해양분쟁과 회색지대전략(Gray zone strategy):중국 해상 민병대(Maritime Militia)사례연구)〉,《淑明女子大學 政治外交系 博士論文(숙명여자대학교 박사학위논문)》。 Nam, Dongwoo(남동우),2022,〈中國灰色地帶戰略和韓國的應對方案研究(중국의 회색지대 전략과 한국의 대응방안 연구)〉,《韓國海洋大學海洋軍事係 博士論文(한국해양대학교 박사학위논문)》。 四、官方文件 大韓民國青瓦臺(대한민국청와대),2017/12/16,〈文在寅總統在韓中產業合作重慶論壇發表主題演講(문재인 대통령 한-중 산업협력 충칭포럼 기조연설)〉 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결과)〉,《大韓民國總統部》,<https://www.president.go.kr/newsroom/press/R2UXWw1H>。 共同民主黨公報局(더불어민주당 공보국),2023/6/8,〈黨代表李在明和中國駐韓大使邢海明在會晤中做了總結發言(이재명 당대표-싱하이밍 주한중국대사 회동 모두 발언)〉,《共同民主黨公報局》,<https://old.theminjoo.kr/board/view/Briefing/1181760?page=28>。 指標中心(지표 누리),2024/1/19,〈韓國對各國出口比例(상대국별 수출비율)〉,《大韓民國統計廳(대한민국 통계청)》,<https://www.index.go.kr/unify/idx-info.do?pop=1&idxCd=5010 >。 指標中心(지표 누리),2024/1/19,〈韓國對各國進口比例(상대국별 수입비율)〉,《大韓民國統計廳(대한민국 통계청)》,<https://www.index.go.kr/unity/potal/indicator/IndexInfo.do?popup=Y&clasCd=2&idxCd=5011>。 國家法規中心(국가법령센터),1954/11/18,〈大韓民國與美利堅合眾國相互防衛條約(대한민국과미합중국간의 상호방위조약) 〉,《國家法規中心》,<https://Www.law.go.kr%EC%A1%B0%EC%95%BD/%EB%8C%80%ED%95%9C%EB%AF%BC%EA%B5%AD%EA%B3%BC%EB%AF%B8%ED%95%A9%EC%A4%91%EA%B5%AD%EA%B0%84%EC%9D%98%EC%83%81%ED%98%B8%EB%B0%A9%EC%9C%84%EC%A1%B0%EC%95%BD>。 國家法規中心(국가법령센터),2024/3/18,〈公職選舉法(공직선거법) 〉,《國家法規中心》,<https://www.law.go.kr/%EB%B2%95%EB%A0%B9%EA%B3%B5%EC%A7%81%EC%84%A0%EA%B1%B0%EB%B2%95/%EC%A0%9C15%EC%A1%B0>。 國家記錄院 (국가기록원),1992/8/26,〈韓中建交(韓中修交)〉,《大韓民國行政安全部(행정안전부)》,<https://theme.archives.go.kr/viewer/common/archWebViewr.do?singleData=Y&archiveEventId=0050751879>。 駐臺北韓國代表部(주타이베이 대한민국대표부),2016/5/20,〈駐臺北代表趙伯祥出席蔡英文總統就職典禮並致賀詞(조백상 주타이뻬이 대표, 차이 잉원 총통취임식 축하인사로 참석)〉,《駐臺北韓國代表部》,<https://OverSeas.Mofa.go.kr/twko/brd/m_1454/view.doseq=1234609&srchFr=&srchTo=&srchWord=&srchTp=&multi_itm_seq=0&itm_seq_1=0&itm_seq_2=0&company_cd=&company_nm=>。 五、網際網路 2014/1/17。〈朴槿惠總統舉行新年記者招待會(박근혜 대통령 신년 기자 회견)〉《KTV 국민 방송(KTV國民新聞)》,<https://m.ktv.go.kr/program/again/view?content_id=477540 >。 2021/8/12。〈不要讓韓國陷入困境……美國議員秘密從烏山基地飛往臺灣(“韓, 곤란하지 않게”…美의원들, 비밀리에 오산기지서 대만으로 비행)〉,《동아일보(東亞日報)》,<https://www.donga.com/news/amp/all/20210812/108519319/1>。 2023/12/6。〈韓國向烏克蘭提供了比歐洲更多的炮彈(한국이 유럽보다 많은 포탄을우크라이나에 지원 했다니)〉,《경향신문(京鄉新聞)》,<https://www.khan.co.kr/opinion/editorial/article/202312061907001>。 2024/7/2。〈關於韓東勳是否親中的主張,韓東勳回應道:誰推進了限制永久居住權者投票權限制?(한동훈,친중 주장에...韓 영주권자 투표권 제한 누가 추진 했나?)〉,《TV Chosun》,<https://news.Tvchosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2024/07/01/2024070190197.html>。 An, Huijae(안희재),2024/3/25。〈韓東勳表示:文在寅政府和李在明傾向於中國……我們必須克服這種屈從的態度(한동훈 "문재인 정부·이재명, 중국 편향적…굴종적 태도 극복돼야")〉,《SBS News》,<https://news.sbs.co.kr//news/endPage.donewsId=N1007585535&plink=COPYPASTE&cooper=SBSNEWS END>。 Chae,Sungjin(채성진),2018/11/21。〈臺灣遊客首次突破100萬人次造訪韓國(대만 관광객 100만명 첫 돌파 ) 〉 , 《 조선일보 ( 朝鮮日報 ) 》 , <https://biz.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2018/11/20/2018112003613.html>。 Cho, Hyojung(조효정),2021/5/25。〈韓國外交部部長對中國的抗議表示:充分認識到兩岸關係的特殊性(중국 반발 관련해 정의용 장관 양안관계 특수성 충분히 인지)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://imnews.imbc.com/news/2021/politics/article/6188799_34866.html>。 Cho, Moonjung(조문정),2024/3/30。〈「謝謝」以李在明為前提的「一個中國原則」,從一開始就不存在('셰셰' 이재명이 전제한 '하나의 중국' 원칙, 처음부터 없었다)〉,《New-daily》,<https://www.newdaily.co.kr/site/data/html/2024/0 3/29/2024032900276.html>。 Choi, Pyeongcheon(최평천),2024/5/14。〈趙慶泰於20日出席臺灣總統就職典禮,參與了關於國家利益層面的議員外交活動(與조경태, 20일 대만 총통 취임식 참석…"국익 차원 의원 외교")〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.Kr/view/AKR20240514165100001>。 Choi,Wooseok(최우석),2018/5/21。〈朴槿惠時期的國情院已經掌握、支援了暗殺金正恩的北韓革命組織的存在(박근혜 국정원, 김정은 암살하려는 북한 내혁명조직 존재 파악하고 지원했다)〉,《Monthly Chosun News》,<https://monthly.chosun.com/client/news/viw.asp?ctcd=H&nNewsNumb=201806100011>。 Choi, Yoosik(최유식),2021/7/21。〈日本對於臺灣海峽的恐懼症(일본의 대만해협 공포증)〉,《조선일보(朝鮮日報)》<https://www.chosun.com/InternaIonal/china/2021/07/12/7QS65SFGRZBDVINQMZ6NRYANEE/>。 Hwang, BoYeon(황보연),2011/5/27。〈北韓對外貿易中83%來自中國(북한 대외 무역 83%가 중국)〉,《한겨례(韓民族)》,<https://www.hani.co.kr/arti/economy/economy_general/480083.html>。 Im, Chan-jong(임찬종),2023/1/19。〈韓東勳提出的「中國人投票權問題」(한동훈이 쏘아 올린 '중국인 투표권 문제')〉,《SBS News》,<https://news.sbs.co.kr/news/endPage.donews_id=N1007050715>。 In, Seyoung(인세영),2023/3/24。〈尹錫悅總統訪問反間諜司令部,要求與國內外有關機關緊密合作(윤석열 대통령, 방첩사령부 방문 국내·외 유관 기관과의 긴밀히 협력하라)〉,《Fn Today》,<https://www.fntoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=289341>。 Jung, Hoyeon(정호연),2023/11/22。〈9/19日的軍事協議已經停止生效。下午3點開始恢復軍事分界線的監視和偵察,禁飛措施也同時停止生效(9/19 군사합의 일 효력정지. 오후 3시부터 군사분계선 감시 정찰 복원...비행금지 효력 정지)〉,《위클리오늘(Weekly今天)》,<https://www.weeklytoday.com/news/articleView.html?idx no=598675>。 Jung, Jinwoo(정진우),2022/8/22。〈如果臺灣海峽發生戰爭怎麼辦?10名國民中有6人表示支援美國(대만해협서 전쟁 난다면? 국민 열에 여섯은 미국 지원)〉,《중앙일보(中央日報)》,<https://www.joongang.co.kr/article/25096081>。 Jung, Jinwoo & Lee, Geonpyeong(정진우 및 이근평),2023/6/21。〈星州再次陷入電磁波香瓜謠言的困擾……薩德基地在時隔6年後恢復正常運行(성주 울린 전자파참외 괴담이었다…6년만에 사드기지정상화) 〉 , 《 중앙일보(中央日報) 》 , <https://n.news.naver.com/article/025/0003288471?sid=100>。 Jung, Seungim(정승임),2022/11/2。〈駐臺北代表將安排4星預備役將軍……內定與臺灣斷交後「最高級別」(주타이베이 대표에 예비역 4성장군...대만과 단교이후 '최고위급'내정)〉,《한국일보(韓國日報)》,<https://www.hankookilbo.com/News/Read/A2022110116540005577>。 Jung, Sungjo (정성조),2024/2/5。〈韓國駐中國大使表示:「尊重一個中國的立場」沒有變化……與臺灣進行實質性合作(주중대사,하나의 중국 존중 입장 변화없어…대만과 실질협력)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20240205096100083>。 Jung, Sungjo(정성조),2024/5/20。〈賴清德今日正式就任,美國和日本將派遣代表團參加就職儀式(라이칭더 대만 총통 오늘 취임…美日, 취임식에 대표단 파견)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20240519041700083>。 Jung, Youngkyo(정영교),2023/8/23。〈總統室要求再減少人員...統一部將裁減81人([단독] "대통령실서 더 줄여라 주문"...통일부81명 감축한다)〉,《중앙일보(中央日報)》,<https://www.joongang.co.kr/article/25186666#home>。 Kang, Juri(강주리),2023/4/13。〈對韓國,出口市場多元化不是一個選擇,而是一個必須……必須重新利用全球供應鏈(“韓, 수출시장 다변화 선택 아닌 필수… 글로벌 공급망 재편 활용을”)〉,《서울신문(首爾新聞)》,<https://www.seoul.co.kr/news/economy/2023/04/13/20230413009004 >。 Kim,Chaerin(김채린),2021/5/24。〈KBS新聞9採訪外交部長官鄭義溶的全文(KBS 뉴스9정의용 외교부 장관 인터뷰 전문)〉,《KBS News》,<https://news.kbs.co.kr/news/pc/view/view.do?ncd=5192735>。 Kim, Donghyun(김동현),2020/9/25。〈康京和表示:排除其他國家是不好的,對加入Quad持否定態度(강경화,다른 국가 배제 좋지 않아…쿼드 가입에 부정적)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》, <https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20200925075000504>。 Kim, Donghyun & Oh, Hyungju(김동현,오형주),2023/3/16。〈韓日軍事情報保護協定完全正常化…2+2安全對話復活(지소미아 완전 정상화…2+2 안보대화 부활)〉,《한국경제(韓國經濟)》,<https://www.hankyung.com/politics/article/2023031649171>。 Kim, Dongwook(김동욱),2023/7/10。〈「一個中國原則」不存在(하나의 중국 원칙은 없다)〉,《한국경제(韓國經濟)》,<https://www.hankyung.com/article/2023071062161>。 Kim, hyungsoo(김형수),2022/8/26。〈樂天電影在越南胡志明市開設47號店……躍升爲當地的Leading Theater(롯데시네마, 베트남 호치민에47호점 개관…현지리딩 극장 도약)〉,《The Guru Global News》,<https://www.theguru.co.kr/news/article.html?no=41077>。 Kim, hyungsoo(김형수),2023/5/12。〈CJ CGV鞏固了越南第一的地位…樂天電影排名第二(CJ CGV,베트남 1위 입지 굳혔다…롯데시네마 2위)〉,《The Guru Global News》,<https://www.theguru.co.kr/news/article.html?No=53734>。 Kim, Hyunji(김현지),2023/11/16。〈韓美聯合軍演用B-52轟炸機,北韓試驗新型IR BM固體燃料發動機(B-52 폭격기 한미연합훈련···북 신형 IRBM 고체연료 엔진시험)〉,《KTV 국민 방송(KTV國民新聞)》,<https://www.ktv.go.kr/news/ministry/c004004/view?content_id=689657>。 Kim, Jiheon(김지헌),2022/10/4。〈이종섭 "주한미군 대만 투입시 우리와 협의 해야(韓國國防部部長表示駐韓美軍投入臺灣時應該與我們協商)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20221004148900504>。 Kim, Jihoon(김지훈),2022/11/11。〈軍事安全支援司令部→國軍反間諜司令部…時隔4年更改名稱(군사안보지원사령부→국군방첩사령부…4년만에 명칭 변경)〉,《Money Today》,<https://news.mt.co.kr/mtview.php?no=2022111120293356323>。 Kim, Jingook(김진국),2024/3/31。〈[朝鮮半島新武器大百科] 北韓MIG-29即使經過改良,韓國天空仍有KF-16V([한반도 신무기 대백과] 북 MIG-29개량해도 한국 하늘엔 KF-16V 있다 )〉,《RFI》,<https://www.rfa.org/korean/weekly_program/c2e0bc15d55cd55cbc18b3c4c2e0bb34ae30b300bc31acfc/armencyclopedia03292024162643.html>。 Kim, Jiyeon & Jeong, Seongjo(김지연 및 정성조),2024/3/18。〈臺灣部長透過視訊方式出席韓國主辦的民主峰會...中國強調團結抵制分裂企圖。(韓주최 민주정상회의에 대만 장관 화상참석…"분열시도에 단결")〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20240318149800504>。 Kim, Jongbae(김종배),2023/5/26。〈5/26(週五)G7韓美日關係面臨密切考驗……解決方法是什麼?- 中國駐韓大使邢海明(5/26 금 G7한미일 시험대 오른 한중관계..해법은? – 주한중국대사 싱하이밍)〉,《MBC News》,<https://www.imbc.com/broad/radio/fm/look/interview/index.html?list_id=7205504&list_use=1&page=1&bbs_id=focus03>。 Kim, Mingon (김민곤) ,2024/4/7。〈[獨家] 美國司令在臺灣發生緊急情況時呼籲希望韓國軍隊展現同盟的力量…亞太地區即將部署中程導彈。([단독]美 사령관, 대만 유사시에 “한국 군이 동맹의 힘을 보여주길”…아태지역내 중거리 미사일 곧 배치)〉,《Channel A News》,<https://www.inchannela.com/news/main/news_detailPage.do?publishId=000000402955>。 Kim, Minji(김민지),2023/3/28。〈韓國對中國貿易收支走勢(대중국 무역수지 추이)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/vew/GYH20230328000500044>。 Kim, Seungwook(김승욱),2023/4/18。〈防諜司表示支援業務統合防衛→反間諜…對民間稽查的擔憂有所修正(방첩사 지원업무 통합방위→대간첩…민간사찰 우려에 수정)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20 230418056500504?input=1195m>。 Kim, Sugang(김수강),2022/1/25。〈尹錫悅表示「以力量實現和平……不會對北韓做任何表面功夫」(윤석열, 힘을 통한 평화 구축…대북 쇼 안 한다.)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/MYH20220125003500641>。 Kim, Youngmun(김영문),2017/11/22。 〈 韓中外交戰爆發的新導火線 : 三不政策(韓·中 외교전에 불거진 新도화선, 3불(不) 정책)〉,《중앙일보(中央日報)》,<https://www.joongang.co.kr/article/22137788#home>。 Kim, Youngshin & Kwak, Minseo(김영신 및 곽민서),2024/5/26。〈韓中兩國新設外交安全對話,並重啓包括文化和旅遊在內的FTA第二階段談判(한중 '외교안보대화' 신설…문화·관광 포함 FTA 2단계 협상재개)〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20240526042400001>。 Kim, Youngwook(김영욱),2008/5/28,〈韓中聯合聲明… 韓中日首腦會談將輪流舉行 ( 韓中 공동성명… 한중일 정상회담 순환 개최 ) 〉 , 《 Inews24 》 ,<https://www.inews24.com/view/332605>。 Kwon, Jihye(권지혜),2021/6/8。〈美國參議院議員團訪問臺灣……中國稱其為偽裝成疫苗供應的軍事交流(美 상원의원단 대만 방문… 中 “백신 공급 위장한 군사교류”)〉,《국민일보(國民日報)》,<https://n.news.naver.com/article/005/0001445721?sid=104>。 Kwon, Minheyok (권민혁) ,2022/8/8。〈中國封鎖臺灣海峽時,U-2偵察機從烏山美軍基地起飛(중국 ‘대만해협 봉쇄’ 때 오산 미군기지에서 U-2 정찰기 발진)〉,《한겨례(韓民族)》,<https://www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/defense/1053970.html>。 Kwon, Sang-eun & Kim, Hyunsoo(권상은,김현수),2024/6/2。〈發生爆炸並引發火災,導致車輛玻璃砸碎... 連續受到5公斤重的北韓污物氣球的影響(폭발해 불붙고, 차 유리 박살... 5kg '北 오물 풍선' 잇단 피해) 〉 , 《 조선일보(朝鮮日報) 》 , <https://www.chosun.com/national/regional/2024/06/02/C47WBMUWS5AINL67DZDALZE56E/>。 Lee, Bareum(이바름),2023/9/7。〈從1954年開始的北韓挑釁總結……戰爭紀念館公開北韓軍事挑釁室(1954년부터 이어진 北 도발 총정리…전쟁기념관, 북한 군사도발실 공개)〉,《Newdaily News》,<https://www.newdaily.co.kr/site/data/html/2023/09/07/2023090700222.html>。 Lee, Chuljae(이철재),2021/1/27。〈距離白翎島40公裏,中國軍艦對西海進行威脅(백령도 40㎞ 앞까지 왔다, 中군함 대놓고 서해 위협)〉,《중앙일보(中央日報)》,<http://www.joongang.co.kr/article/23979269>。 Lee, Chuljae & Kim, Sangjin(이철재,김상진),2022/10/12。〈中國航母「西海工程」公開化,韓國領海已近70海裏(中항모 '서해공정' 노골화…韓영해 70해리 앞까지 들어왔다)〉,《중앙일보(中央日報)》,<https://www.joongang.co.kr/article/25108482>。 Lee, Dae(이대),2022/5/22。〈尹錫悅和拜登訪問KAOC……總統室 : 韓美強力應對北韓挑釁的意義(尹·바이든, KAOC방문…대통령실: 北도발 한미 강력 대응 의미)〉,《Newsverse》,<https://www.newsverse.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno =1803>。 Lee, Donghoon(이동훈),2024/5/26。〈6名對31名...從臺灣總統就職典禮看韓日的議員外交(6명 vs 31명...대만 총통 취임식으로 본 한·일 '의원외교')〉,《조선일보(朝鮮日報)》,<https://www.chosun.com/International/2024/05/26XSS3K32O VRCV7M2W5SPH2NRUYQ/>。 Lee, Hye-jin(이혜진),2024/6/24。〈聯合參謀本部表示:北韓再次向韓國送出污物氣球(합참 "북한, 대남 오물풍선 또다시 부양")〉,《조선일보(朝鮮日報)》,<https://www.chosun.com/politics/north_Korea/2024/06/24/F7CELH2BXNHD3DWHGL6TH4JGWM/>。 Lee, Jihoon & Kim, Sohyun(이지훈,김소현),2022/12/26。〈【獨家】李昌陽:「參與半導體同盟Chip 4協議 」 ( [단독] 이창양 "반도체 동맹 칩4 협의 참여")〉,《한국경제(韓國經濟)》,<https://www.hankyung.com/amp/2022121618411>。 Lee, Jisook(이지숙),2023/7/6。〈中國市場的代案,擴大東南亞投資的三星和LG(중국 시장 대안, 동남아 투자 확대하는 삼성·LG)〉,《News-way》,<https://www.newsway.co.kr/news/view?ud=202307061548 5408309>。 Lee, Jungseok(이정석),2023/2/20。〈韓美出動B-1戰略轟炸機進行空中聯合演習…北韓用ICBM對應(한미, B-1랜서 전략폭격기 동원 공중연합훈련…북한 ICBM맞대응) 〉,《Liberty Korea Post News》,<https://www.lkp.news/news/articleView.html?idxno=28933>。 Lee, Kyunghoon(이경훈),2022/11/16。〈陸軍軍官學校上,廢除6·25戰爭史的陸軍參謀總長,被撤回駐臺灣大使提名([단독] 육사 ‘6·25전쟁사 필수 폐지’ 육군참모총장, 대만 대사 내정 철회)〉,《월간조선(月刊朝鮮)》,<https://m.monthly.chosun.com/client/mdaily/daily_view.asp?idx=16581&Newsnumb=20221116581>。 Lee, Sangmin(이상민),2020/11/2。〈Brooks 前駐韓美軍司令官提到無需追加部署薩德系統(브룩스 전 사령관 한국에 사드 추가배치 불필요)〉,《RFA》, <https://www.rfa.org/korean/in_focus/nk_nuclear_talks/thaadadd-11022020154308.html>。 Lee, Wan(이완),2022/3/1。〈【全文】文在寅總統三一節紀念講話……希望日本以發達國家的身份展現領導力([전문] 문 대통령 3·1절 기념사…“일본, 선진국으로 리더십가지길”)〉,《한겨례(韓民族)》,<https://www.hani.co.kr/artiPolitics/bluehouse/1033009.html>。 Min, Youngbin & Yoo, Byunghoon(민영빈,유병훈),2023/10/23。〈文在寅政府5年內縮減或廢除7個美國戰略資產聯合軍演([단독] 文정부 5년간 美 전략자산 연합훈련 7개 축소·폐지)〉,《朝鮮日報(조선일보)》,<https://biz.chosun.com/policy/politics/2023/10/22/JCDVDKHWSFFYTGYINGYUUCX25I/>。 Moon, Byungki(문병기),2022/9/21。〈駐韓美軍司令官提到駐韓美軍正在制定應對中國入侵臺灣的緊急計劃(주한미군 사령관: 中의 대만침공 대비 비상계획마련 중)〉,《동아일보(東亞日報)》,<https://www.donga.com/news/article/all/20220920/115550930/1>。 Moon, Jaeyeon(문재연),2023/6/19。〈國情院在訪問美國佩洛西臺灣之前才知道……人事風波局長被免職(국정원, 美 펠로시 대만 방문 직전에야 알았다…인사 파동 국장 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Gangbok(박강복),2023/10/10。〈宋甲錫議員指出:中俄軍用飛機擅自進入韓國防空識別區的次數是去年的兩倍(송갑석 의원 “중러 군용기 KADIZ 무단진입 작년 대비 2배”)〉,《Public News》,<https://www.psnews.co.kr/news/articleView.htmlidxno=2034889>。 Park, Hyunjin(박현진),2023/2/23。〈國軍防諜司令部對提出「天空」疑惑的「夫承燦」進行扣押搜查(국군방첩사령부, 천공 의혹 제기 부승찬 압수수색)〉,《주간뉴스(周間朝鮮)》,<https://weekly.chosun.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=24606>。 Park, Hyunjoo(박현주),2022/12/28。〈國防部部長官也低下了頭,對於北韓無人機表示遺憾 , 但確信無人機沒有飛越龍山 ( 국방장관도 고개 숙였다…"北무인기송구, 용산 안 왔다 확신")〉,《중앙일보(中央日報)》,<https://www.joongang.co.kr/amparticle/25129524>。 Park, Jungheon(박정헌),2023/11/5。〈釜山119急救車在烏克蘭支援急救患者·····綠色醫生發揮巨大作用(부산119구급차, 우크라이나서 응급환자 지원···그린닥터스 큰 역할)〉,《일요신문(禮拜天新聞)》,<https://ilyo.co.kr/?ac=article_view&entry_id=461768>。 Seo, Yoomi(서유미),2023/3/24。〈薩德系統首次在基地外部署遠程發射臺,這被視為擴大防禦範圍的機會(사드, 첫 기지 밖 원격발사대 전개…방어범위 확장 기회)〉,《서울신문(首爾新聞)》,<https://n.news.naver.com/article/081/0003348663?sid=100>。 Shin, Jinwoo & Jeon, Jooyoung(신진우,전주영),2023/1/19。〈國情院新設反間諜組織…繼市民團體和政界之後,將調查範圍擴大到勞動界(국정원, 방첩조직 신설… 시민단체-정계 이어 노동 계로 수사확대)〉,《동아일보(東亞日報)》,<https://www.donga.com/news/article/all/20230119/117503169/1>。 Shin, Kyujin & Shin, Jinwoo(신규진,신진우),2024/1/9。〈[單獨]韓國國家情報院表示尹政府有已經開始進行調查違反國家安全法的15人...但文在寅政府執政5年內調查的人只有10人而已([단독]국정원 尹정부 국보법 위반 15명 수사…文정부땐 5년간 10명)〉,《동아일보(東亞日報)》,<https://www.donga.com/news/Politics/article/all/20240109/122956523/1>。 Shin, Taehwan(신태환),2023/6/9。〈連李在明都不知道的「一個中國原則」VS「一個中國政策」(이재명도 모르는 하나의 중국 원칙 VS 하나의 중국 정책)〉,《최보식의 언론(崔普植的言論)》,<https://www.bosik.kr/News/Articleview.html?idxno=10590>。 Son, Hyoju & Shin, Jinwoo(손효주,신진우),2023/12/30。〈韓戰鬥機8月起進入中國防空區...按比例應對中國的侵犯(韓전투기, 8월부터 中방공구역 진입… 中의 침범에 비례 대응)〉,《동아일보(東亞日報)》,<https://www.donga.com/news/Politics/article/all/20231229/122832697/1>。Son, Ilson (손일선),2023/10/11。〈[獨家] 韓國將不參加中國的一帶一路高峰論壇…… 政府決定不派遣代表團([단독] 韓, 中 일대일로 정상포럼 안간다…정부대표단파견 않기로)〉,<https://www.mk.co.kr/news/world/10847514>。 Song, Youngchan(송영찬),2023/9/21。〈到韓國的感覺…越南MZ深陷的Hot Place(한국에 간 것 같아요…베트남 MZ들 푹 빠진 핫플)〉,《한국경제(韓國經濟)》,<https://n.news.naver.COM/mnews/article/015/0004894580>。 Yoon, Dongbin(윤동빈),2022/8/4。〈[獨家采訪]美駐韓第七空軍司令官瞄準「韓半島外作可能」中國([단독인터뷰] 주한 美 7공군사령관 : 한반도 외 작전투입가능, 中 정면 겨냥)〉,《TV Chosun》,<http://news.tvchosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2022/08/04/2022080490173. html>。 Yoon, Goeun(윤고은),2023/1/4。〈臺灣:韓國國會議員代表團訪問並會見蔡英文總統(대만 "한국 국회의원 대표단 방문, 차이잉원 총통 만나")〉,《연합뉴스(聯合新聞)》,<https://m.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20230104136800074>。 肆、日文部份 一、官方文件 日本國防衛省,2022/8/4,〈關於中國發射彈道導彈的問題(中国弾道ミサイル発射について)〉,《日本國防衛省》<https://www.mod.go.jp/j/press/news/2022/08/04d.html>。 | - |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/95729 | - |
| dc.description.abstract | 尹錫悅執政前,韓國政府在臺海峽政策上的基本路線是「尊重一個中國的立場」,並與臺灣保持非正式交流。韓中建交後,兩國經濟關係日益緊密,韓國也開始期待中國在朝鮮半島問題上發揮角色。特別是文在寅在短期內推動與北韓的和平統一,但其進展中斷。接著,韓中經濟關係放緩、北韓的持續軍事威脅在美中戰略競爭的背景下進一步加劇。中國在韓中經濟中的重要性下降的時,美國的重要性逐漸上升的情況使尹錫悅對中國的重視程度也比以前減少。此外,隨著北韓的持續威脅,使得尹錫悅在短期內較難推動和平統一,對中國在解決朝鮮半島問題上的期待也隨之減少。在這樣的背景下就任的尹錫悅重視安全與韓美同盟,並強化與美國的合作。接著,韓國發表韓國版「印太戰略」,尹錫悅決定在美中戰略競爭中站在美國一邊。因此,尹錫悅加強對中國的安全措施,不斷強調臺海穩定的重要性,韓國的對中政策也隨之發生變化。然而,韓國對中國政策上進行安全措施強度的調整,其變化程度是微妙的。隨著韓國對中國的政策發生變化,相對重視與臺灣的關係,交流範圍擴大到尹錫悅之前較少涉及的公開政治領域。但對這些政治交流的程度進行調整,政治交流的變化也是微妙的。尹錫悅上任後,韓國的臺海政策雖然發生變化,但變化程度是微妙的。 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract | Prior to Yoon Suk-yeol’s administration, the ROK’s government maintained a fundamental stance on the Taiwan Strait policy that involved “Respecting the One-China” while sustaining informal exchanges with Taiwan. Following the establishment of diplomatic relations between the ROK and China, their economic ties grew increasingly close. Consequently, the ROK began to anticipate that China would play a significant role in addressing issues on the Korean Peninsula. In particular, Moon Jae-in aimed to promote peaceful unification with North Korea in the short term; however, progress was halted. Subsequently, the slowdown in economic relations between ROK and China, coupled with the persistent military threat from North Korea, further intensified amidst the strategic competition between the U.S. and China. As China’s significance in ROK-China economic relations declined and the importance of the U.S. gradually increased, Yoon Suk-yeol’s attention to China also diminished compared to previous administrations. Moreover, as North Korea’s persistent threats make it increasingly difficult for Yoon Suk-yeol to advocate for peaceful reunification in the short term, expectations for China to play a significant role on the Korean Peninsula have also diminished. In this context, Yoon Suk-yeol emphasized the importance of security and the ROK-U.S. alliance, thereby enhancing cooperation with the U.S. The announcement of the Korean version of the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” signaled the ROK’s decision to align with the U.S. in the U.S.-China strategic competition. Therefore, Yoon Suk-yeol reinforced security measures concerning China and consistently emphasized the importance of stability in the Taiwan Strait, leading to an evolution in ROK’s policy toward China. However, ROK’s adjustment to its China policy in response to the intensity of security measures has been subtle. As ROK’s policy toward China evolved, its relationship with Taiwan also became relatively more significant. The scope of exchanges has expanded to encompass political fields that were less engaged prior to Yoon Suk-yeol administration. However, despite the expansion of political exchanges, the evolution in these exchanges remains subtle. Following Yoon Suk-yeol’s administration, ROK’s Taiwan Strait policy has evolved; however, the degree of this evolution has been subtle. | en |
| dc.description.provenance | Submitted by admin ntu (admin@lib.ntu.edu.tw) on 2024-09-15T17:02:01Z No. of bitstreams: 0 | en |
| dc.description.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2024-09-15T17:02:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 | en |
| dc.description.tableofcontents | 目 次
口試委員會審定書 i Acknowledgement ii 中文摘要 iii 英文摘要 iv 目次 v 圖次 vii 表次 ix 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機與目的 1 第二節 研究問題 3 第三節 文獻回顧 4 第四節 研究途徑與方法 14 第五節 研究設計 16 第六節 研究範圍與限制 17 第七節 章節安排 19 第二章 尹錫悅之前的傳統臺海政策及影響變項 (2022年之前) 23 第一節 尹錫悅執政前的韓國對臺海政策基本立場 23 第二節 韓國與中國的經濟關係 32 第三節 韓國對於中國在朝鮮半島問題上的角色期待 38 第四節 小結 45 第三章 尹錫悅上任後韓國對外交戰略環境之認知變化 47 第一節 美中戰略競爭格局的趨勢與臺海局勢的緊張 47 第二節 尹錫悅對於美中戰略競爭態度的轉變 54 第三節 韓中經濟關係的變化 61 第四節 尹錫悅對於北韓態度轉變 66 第五節 小結 76 第四章 尹錫悅上任後臺海政策之演變 (2022~2024) 79 第一節 韓國政黨對臺海問題的爭論 79 第二節 尹錫悅對中國政策的微妙變化 84 第三節 尹錫悅對於臺海和平穩定的重視 93 第四節 尹錫悅對臺灣微妙的政治交流變化 99 第五節 韓國對於駐韓美軍協防臺灣之立場 108 第六節 小結 119 第五章 結論 121 第一節 主要研究成果 121 第二節 可能的研究貢獻 123 參考文獻 127 附 錄 163 | - |
| dc.language.iso | zh_TW | - |
| dc.title | 美中戰略競爭下韓國的臺海政策之演變 (2017~2024) | zh_TW |
| dc.title | The Evolution of ROK’s Taiwan Strait Policy Under U.S.-China Strategic Competition (2017~2024) | en |
| dc.type | Thesis | - |
| dc.date.schoolyear | 112-2 | - |
| dc.description.degree | 碩士 | - |
| dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | 鍾志東;廖小娟 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | Chih-tung Chung;Hsiao-chuan Liao | en |
| dc.subject.keyword | 美中戰略競爭,文在寅,尹錫悅,韓國的外交政策,臺灣海峽, | zh_TW |
| dc.subject.keyword | U.S.-China Strategic Competition,Moon Jae-in,Yoon Suk Yeol,ROK’s Foreign Policy,Taiwan Strait, | en |
| dc.relation.page | 165 | - |
| dc.identifier.doi | 10.6342/NTU202403750 | - |
| dc.rights.note | 未授權 | - |
| dc.date.accepted | 2024-08-13 | - |
| dc.contributor.author-college | 社會科學院 | - |
| dc.contributor.author-dept | 政治學系 | - |
| 顯示於系所單位: | 政治學系 | |
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