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完整後設資料紀錄
DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
---|---|---|
dc.contributor.advisor | 張佑宗 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.advisor | Yu-Tzung Chang | en |
dc.contributor.author | 張鈞瑋 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.author | Chun-Wei Chang | en |
dc.date.accessioned | 2023-07-19T16:23:32Z | - |
dc.date.available | 2023-11-09 | - |
dc.date.copyright | 2023-07-19 | - |
dc.date.issued | 2023 | - |
dc.date.submitted | 2023-05-25 | - |
dc.identifier.citation | 林夏如,2019,《台灣的中國兩難:台灣認同下的兩岸經貿困境》,台北:商周出版。
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Values (August 17-18, 2022).” in https://ratinggroup.ua/en/research/ukraine/s_mnadcyate_zagalnonac_onalne_opituvannya_dentichn_st_patr_otizm_c_nnost_17-18_serpnya_2022.html. Latest update 26 September 2022. Norris P. and Kseniya Kizlova. 2022.“What mobilises the Ukrainian resistance?” in https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2022/03/03/what-mobilises-the-ukrainian-resistance/. Latest update 26 September 2022. | - |
dc.identifier.uri | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/87769 | - |
dc.description.abstract | 近年來,隨著中國軍機、軍艦繞台等軍事威懾行動頻率逐漸增加,台灣人面對可能爆發的戰爭將會如何回應,成為很重要的議題。其中探究台灣人在兩岸戰爭爆發後,究竟有沒有保家衛國、堅決抵抗的意志,一直是在該議題方面相關的主要研究主題。參與防衛國土的軍事行動,固然是抗拒與中國統一最明確且強烈的行為,因此反對統一的因素一定程度上左右著台灣人的參戰意願。而在過往研究統獨的問題中,長期以來學界認為與台灣社會本身政治分歧—國族認同以及政黨傾向緊密相關。除此之外,根據參戰意願的相關研究顯示,這兩個因素也被證實有影響效果。雖然在針對統獨問題的辯論裡,中國的非民主制度經常是反對和中國統一理由的重要規範性論述,然而不像政黨與國族問題一直是不少研究台灣政治題目的實證分析變項,對民主制度本身的偏好卻鮮少有研究當作主要的討論對象。
本文以台灣人的參戰意願為例,試圖分析台灣人對於民主制度內在性、價值性的支持程度,在論及反對統一最直接的行為,即對抗中國入侵上,是否會是除了政黨、國族以外,也有明確效果的因素。藉由台灣民主基金會「2021 臺灣民主價值與治理」(2021 Taiwan Democratic Value and Governance)民意調查計畫的資料分析,實證的研究結果發現,台灣人對於民主制度本身的偏好差異,在控制了國族認同與政黨傾向等因素後,確實在回答假設戰爭爆發時,會不會有意願上戰場保衛台灣的問題會方面,呈現出顯著的影響。分析顯示,在民主支持的問項中,支持程度越高,則越有可能在回答有關參戰意願的問題時,也選擇有意願上戰場,反之支持程度越低,則越有可能在有關參戰意願的問題,選擇回答不願意上戰場。這樣的結果也意味著民主制度的存續,會是構成台灣人到底會不會選擇堅決抵抗中國威脅,甚至是願意犧牲性命的重要考量之一。 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract | As China sends its military jets and warships around Taiwan more frequently it becomes a vital issue currently that how Taiwanese people will response if the potential war outbreaks. In terms of the relative studies on this issue, the main question is whether Taiwanese people will have an iron resolve to fight back and determination to defend themselves after the outbreak of war. As for Taiwanese people, the participation in military actions for territorial defense is the most obvious and strongest behavior against the annexation of China, therefore, the support of Taiwanese people for fight might somewhat pertain to their attitudes toward anti-reunification. There have been lots of studies supposing that the independence-unification issue in Taiwan was affected by different nation identities and party identities, which are the major cleavages in Taiwanese society for a long time. In addition, the researches on willingness of Taiwanese people to fight also indicate that both of nation identity and party identity are the two valid factors. Unlike these two variables, despite the normative importance of democracy that political institution usually becomes the reason of anti-China unification, it’s rare for decades of study to touch upon how the preference of democracy influences on the political phenomenon in Taiwan.
This article attempts to verify that Taiwanese preference of democracy, the institutional support out of internal values, will significantly determine their willingness to fight against Chinese invasion, except for nation identity and party identity. Based on the data of TDVG in 2021, the positive result found that the difference of preference of democracy in Taiwanese people could actually lead to the different answers to the willingness to support or not support for fight if the war broke out, after controlled the effects of nation identity and party identity. The analysis indicated that it’s more likely for people to answer they will fight against China while they prefer democracy, and it’s more unlikely for people to answer they will fight against China while they don’t prefer democracy. It also means that Taiwanese people will take their political institution, democracy into consideration whether they will devote themselves to resistance to China’s threat or not. | en |
dc.description.provenance | Submitted by admin ntu (admin@lib.ntu.edu.tw) on 2023-07-19T16:23:32Z No. of bitstreams: 0 | en |
dc.description.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2023-07-19T16:23:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 | en |
dc.description.tableofcontents | 口試委員審定書 i
謝辭 iii 中文摘要 v 英文摘要 vii 第壹章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機與背景 1 第二節 研究問題與目的 4 第三節 章節安排 6 第貳章 文獻回顧 7 第一節 理性選擇—社會人口、社會經濟因素 7 第二節 符號政治理論—國族情感與文化途徑 11 (一) 國族情感—愛國主義與民族主義 11 (二) 文化途徑—後物質主義與政治價值 13 第三節 兩岸關係與台灣政治發展回顧 15 (一) 威權時期:冷戰煙硝下的對峙 15 (二) 斷交與戰略、政策的轉型 16 (三) 民主化後的台灣政治與兩岸互動 18 第參章 研究設計與假設 23 第一節 研究假設 23 第二節 研究設計與變項操作說明 25 (一) 依變項 25 (二) 自變項與控制變項 26 第三節 模型設計與預期效果 28 第肆章 實證結果與分析 31 第一節 描述性統計與交叉分析 31 (一) 參戰意願 31 (二) 民主偏好參戰意願的交叉分析 33 (三) 政黨認同與參戰意願的交叉分析 36 (四) 國族認同與參戰意願的交叉分析 39 (五) 性別與參戰意願的交叉分析 42 (六) 年齡與參戰意願的交叉分析 44 (七) 教育程度與參戰意願的交叉分析 47 (八) 職業與參戰意願的交叉分析表 50 第二節 迴歸模型分析結果 53 (一) 台灣宣布獨立時的參戰意願 53 (二) 中國武統入侵時的參戰意願 56 第三節 模型共線性診斷 59 第伍章 結論 63 第一節 研究發現 63 第二節 研究限制與建議 64 參考文獻 67 | - |
dc.language.iso | zh_TW | - |
dc.title | 民主偏好與參戰意願:台灣個案分析 | zh_TW |
dc.title | Preference of Democracy and Willingness to Fight: An Analysis of Taiwanese Case | en |
dc.type | Thesis | - |
dc.date.schoolyear | 111-2 | - |
dc.description.degree | 碩士 | - |
dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | 俞振華;蘇翊豪 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | Chen-Hua Yu;Yi-Hao Su | en |
dc.subject.keyword | 民主支持,參戰意願,自我防衛決心, | zh_TW |
dc.subject.keyword | Support for democracy,Willingness to fight,Determination for self-defense, | en |
dc.relation.page | 73 | - |
dc.identifier.doi | 10.6342/NTU202300848 | - |
dc.rights.note | 同意授權(全球公開) | - |
dc.date.accepted | 2023-05-25 | - |
dc.contributor.author-college | 社會科學院 | - |
dc.contributor.author-dept | 政治學系 | - |
顯示於系所單位: | 政治學系 |
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