Skip navigation

DSpace

機構典藏 DSpace 系統致力於保存各式數位資料(如:文字、圖片、PDF)並使其易於取用。

點此認識 DSpace
DSpace logo
English
中文
  • 瀏覽論文
    • 校院系所
    • 出版年
    • 作者
    • 標題
    • 關鍵字
    • 指導教授
  • 搜尋 TDR
  • 授權 Q&A
    • 我的頁面
    • 接受 E-mail 通知
    • 編輯個人資料
  1. NTU Theses and Dissertations Repository
  2. 社會科學院
  3. 政治學系
請用此 Handle URI 來引用此文件: http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/84167
完整後設資料紀錄
DC 欄位值語言
dc.contributor.advisor陶儀芬(Yi-Feng Tao)
dc.contributor.authorTing-Hsuan Fengen
dc.contributor.author馮庭萱zh_TW
dc.date.accessioned2023-03-19T22:05:40Z-
dc.date.copyright2022-07-08
dc.date.issued2022
dc.date.submitted2022-07-05
dc.identifier.citation壹、中文部分 川上桃子(2017)。中國影響力對臺灣媒體的作用機制,吳介民、蔡宏政、鄭祖邦(主編),吊燈中的巨蟒—中國因素作用力與反作用力(頁449-484),臺北:左岸文化。 于維寧(2004)。馬來西亞《東方日報》之研究:在報業壟斷與政治干預夾擊下的生存之道(碩士論文)。暨南大學,南投縣。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/f6hrqb。 王宏仁(2019)。「銳實力」概念於「後」中國崛起時期之理論化探究。中國大陸研究,62(3),1-23。 王希、游知澔、徐曉強、李可心、林玿弘、嚴婉玲、林家偉、程天佑、宋小海、王文懿(2020)。中國對臺資訊遭弄與人際滲透研析(1-144)。臺灣:IORG。 王毓麗(2005)。中國大陸駐點臺灣記者新聞報導之研究—以《新華社》與《人民日報》為例。遠景基金會季刊,6(1),1-50。 王曉晞、莊迪澎、管中祥、方可成、梁家權(2015)。光影游擊最前線—華人獨立媒體觀察。臺北市:紅桌文化。 江南英(譯)(2019)。無聲的入侵:中國因素在澳洲。新北市:左岸文化。(Clive Hamilton, 2018) 何啟良(2003)。匡政與流變─馬來西亞華人歷史與人物政治(主編)。臺北市:中央研究院。 何清漣(2019)。紅色滲透:中國媒體全球擴張的真相。新北市:八旗文化。 吳介民(2017)。中國因素作用力與反作用力,吳介民、蔡宏政、鄭祖邦(主編),吊燈中的巨蟒—中國因素作用力與反作用力(頁21-85),臺北:左岸文化。 杜方思(2019)。民主現場:一個充滿抗議活動的夏天。臺灣民主季刊,16(2),161-185。 李立峰(2020)。後真相時代的社會運動、媒體、和資訊政治:香港反修例運動的經驗。中華傳播學刊,37,3-41。 李立峰(2016)。新聞媒體在社會運動中的公眾屏幕功能和影響:香港雨傘運動之「暗角事件」個案分析。傳播與社會學刊,38,165-231。 李嘉艾(2015)。臺灣媒體生產政治中的中國因素與獨裁者邏輯:以C集團為例(碩士論文)。國立清華大學,新竹市。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/9a5u25。 沈伯洋(2021)。中國認知領域作戰模型初探:以2020臺灣選舉為例。遠景基金會季刊,22(1),1-65。 房翠瑩(2016)。恐懼是一種習慣:馬來西亞華文報的自我審查(碩士論文)。國立政治大學,臺北市。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/939zk9。 邵軒磊(2019)。機器學「習」:以文字探勘法探索習近平時期之大外宣戰略。中國大陸研究,62(4),133-152。 金臺煥(2018)、劉宗翰(譯)。威權銳實力:中共與俄羅斯之比較。海軍學術雙月刊,53(1),114-125。 胡幼惠、姚美華(1996)。一些質性方法上的思考。載於胡幼惠(主編),質性研究—理論、方法與本土女性研究實例(頁141-158)。臺北:巨流。 洪浩唐、江旻諺、吳介民、蕭新煌、沈伯洋、林麗雲、胡元輝、梁永煌、蔡玉真(2021)。戰狼來了:關西機場事件的假新聞、資訊戰。臺北市:幸福綠光。 國立臺灣大學國家發展研究所(2014)。通訊傳播實務研究報告「中國效應如何影響臺灣媒體」。臺北市:洪耀南、楊琇晶、陳俊偉。 張光瀚(2021)。當代心理戰策略:以香港「反送中」抗爭為例。展望與探索,19(8),39-74。 張維安(2001)。文字模式線上訪談的特質及其限制。資訊社會研究,1,279-297。 張磊(譯)(2004)。市場新聞業:公民自行小心?。北京:新華。(John H. McManus, 1994) 張卿卿、羅文輝(2009)。政論性談話節目影響之探討。新聞學研究,98:47-91。 張錦華(2017),新聞傳播領域中的反作用力,吳介民、蔡宏政、鄭祖邦(主編),吊燈中的巨蟒—中國因素作用力與反作用力(頁485-526),臺北:左岸文化。 張錦華、陳菀欣(2015)。從人權報導觀點分析五地10報新疆衝突報導框架。新聞學研究,125,1-47。 莊迪澎(2004)。強勢首相 vs 弱勢媒體: 給馬哈迪的媒體操控算賬。(馬來西亞)吉隆坡,破媒體傳播事業社。 莊迪澎(2009)。威權統治夾縫中的奇葩—馬來西亞獨立運動方興未艾。新聞學研究,99,169-199。 莊迪澎(2013)。 「虛構」的文化霸權抗衡-馬來西亞《星洲日報》的「道德-文化」行銷策略批判(1988-2010)。新聞學研究,115,51-91。 郭洪紀(1997)。文化民族主義。新北市:揚智文化。 陳世榮(2015)。社會科學研究中的文字探勘應用:以文意為基礎的文件分類及其問題。人文及社會科學集刊,27(4),683-718。 陳向明(2002)。社會科學質的研究。臺北:五南。 陳炳宏(2006)。臺灣媒體企業之中國大陸市場進入模式及其決策影響因素研究。新聞學研究,89,37-80。 陳炳宏(2009)。媒體集團綜效偏差之研究。中華傳播學刊,16,177-213。 陳炳宏(2010)。媒體集團化與其內容多元之關聯性研究。新聞學研究,104,1-30。 陳愷璜(2011)。兩岸新聞採訪交流之研究(1987-2009)—從駐點記者角度看兩岸新聞交流(碩士論文)。淡江大學,新北市。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/srmpmt。 陳愷璜(2013)。兩岸新聞採訪交流之研究(1987-2009)—從駐點記者角度看兩岸新聞交流。臺北市:致知學術出版社。 彭偉步(2008)。《星洲日報》研究。上海:復旦大學出版社。 曾麗萍(2010)。西馬來西亞華文報業發展的政經分析(1880-2008)(碩士論文)。世新大學,臺北市。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/4r4494。 黃兆年(2017)。新聞自由中的美國因素與中國因素,吳介民、蔡宏政、鄭祖邦(主編),吊燈中的巨蟒—中國因素作用力與反作用力(頁395-448),臺北:左岸文化。 黃招勤(2004)。西馬來西亞華文報之發展與困境—多族群環境中報紙角色和功能的轉變(碩士論文)。世新大學,臺北市。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/s8cmdq。 黃國富(2008)。遲滯中突露曙光:馬來西亞的媒改行動。新聞學研究,97,283-318。 楊琇晶(2014)。臺灣媒體的中國因素:香港經驗參照(碩士論文)。國立臺灣大學,臺北市。論文永久網址https://hdl.handle.net/11296/347f3y。 葉觀仕(2010)。馬來西亞華文報業史。臺中市:名人出版社。 歐銀釧(2008)。星洲日報—歷史寫在大馬的土地上。(馬來西亞) 雪蘭莪:星洲日報。 臧國仁(1998)。媒介來源組織與媒介真實之建構—組織文化與組織框架的觀點,廣告學研究,11:69-116。 閻岩、周樹華(2014)。媒體偏見的客觀存在與主觀感知。傳播與社會學刊,30,227-264。 謝茂淞(2015)。從「影響戰」觀點探討中共對臺策略。國防雜誌,30(4),47-66。 羅世宏(2018)。關於「假新聞」的批判思考:老問題、新挑戰與可能的多重解方。資訊社會研究,35,51-85。 蘇蘅(2019)。傳播研究方法新論。臺北市:雙葉書廊。 貳、西文部分 Ariyanto, A., Hornsey, M. & Gallouis, C. (2007). Group allegiances and perception of media bias: Taking into account both the perceiver and the source. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 10(2), 266-272. Baum, Matthew A. & Zhukov, Yuri M. (2018). Media Ownership and News Coverage of International Conflict. Political Communication, 00, 1-28. Bennett, W. L. (1990). Toward a theory of press-state relations in the United States. Journal of Communication, 40(2), 104-127. Bennett, W. L. (2016). News: The Politics of illusion (10th Ed.). White Plain, New York: Longman. Black, E. R. (1982). Politics and the news: The political function of the mass media. Toronto: Butterworths. Casey, George W. Jr. (2009). The Army of the 21th Century. Army Magazine, 59(10), 25-40. Covert, T. J. & Wasburn, P.C. (2009). Media Bias? A comparative study of Time Newsweek, the National Review, and the Progressive coverages of domestic social issue, 1975-2000. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Chung, Hiu-Fung (2020). Changing Repertoires of Contention in Hong Kong. China Perspectives, 3(122), 57-64. D’Alenssio, D. &Allen, M. (2000). Media bias in Presidential elections: A meta-analysis. Journal of Communication, 50(4), 133-156. Dautrich, K. & Hartley, T. (1999). How the news media fail America voters: Causes, consequences, and remedies. New York: Columbia University Press. Entman, R. M. (1995). Television, democratic theory and the visual construction of poverty. Research in Political Sociology, 7, 139-159. Entman, R. M. (2007). Framing bias: Media in the distribution of power. Journal of Communication, 57(1), 163-173. Epstein, E. J. (1973). News from nowhere. New York: Ransom House. Figdor, C. (2010). Objectivity in the news: Finding a way forward. Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 25(1), 19-33. Gans, H. J. (2005). Deciding what’s news: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek, and Time. New York: Random House. Gamoson, W.A. (1998). A Constructionist approach to mass media and public opinion. Symbolic Interaction, 11:161-174. Gentzkow, M. & Shapiro, J. (2006). Media bias and reputation. Journal of Political Economy, 114(2), 280-316. Gilboa, Eytan (2008). Searching for a Theory of Public Diplomacy. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616, 55-77. Gilens, M. (1996). Race and Poverty in America: Public perceptions and the America news media. The Public Opinion Quarterly, 60(4), 515-541. Hamborg, Felix, Donnay, Karsten & Gipp, Bela. (2018). Automated identification of media bias in news articles: an interdisciplinary literature review. International Journal on Digital Libraries, 20(4), 391-415. Hanretty, Chris. (2014). Media outlets and their moguls: Why concentrated individual or family ownership is bad for editorial independence. European Journal of Communication, 29(3), 336-350. Hooghe, Ingrid d’ (2015). China’s Public Diplomacy. Netherlands: Brill Nijhoff. How China’s “Sharp Power” is Muting Criticism abroad and Stealthily Trying to Shape Public Opinion in Its Favor. (2017, Dec. 14th ). Retrieved from The Economist. https://www.economist.com/leaders/2017/12/14/what-to-do-about-chinas-sharp-power. Humprecht, Edda. (2019). Ownership of News Media. The International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies, 1-12. Kinder, D. R. & Iyengar, S. (1987). News that matters: Television and American Opinion. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Kurlantzick, Joshua. (2006). China’s Charm Offensive in Southeast Asia. China History, 105(692), 270-276. Larson, Eric V., Darilek, Richard E., Gibran, Daniel, Nichiporuk, Brian, Richardson, Amy, Schwartz, Lowell H., Thurston, Cathryn Quantic (2009). Foundations of Effective Influence Operations A Framework for Enhancing Army Capabilities(1-167). Santa Monica: RAND Corporation. Li, Han. (2018). From Red to “Pink”: Propaganda Rap, New Media, and China’s Soft Power Pursuit. America Journal of Chinese Studies, 25(2), 89-105. Licher, S., Rothman, S. & Lichter, L. (1990). The Media Elite: America's New Power Brokers. Bethesda, Md.: Adler and Adler. Linstorm, M., and Marais, W. (2012). Qualitative news frame analysis: A methodology. Communitas, 17:21-38. Lilly Min-Chen Lee, Po-Yu Tseng, Shin-Shiuan Wilson Kao, Min-Hsuan Wu, Puma Shen(2021), Deafening Whispers(1-130). Taiwan: Doublethink Lab. Mann, L. (1974). Counting the crowd: Effects of editorial policy on estimates. Journalism Quarterly, 51(2), 278-285. Matusow, B. (1983). The evening stars: The rise of the network news anchors. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Niven, D. (2001). Bias and Bill Clinton. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 6(3), 31-46. Niven, D. (2003). Objective evidence on media bias: News paper coverage of congressional party switchers. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 80(2), 311-326. Nye, Joseph (2008). Public Diplomacy and Soft Power. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 616, 94-109. Nye, Joseph (2020). Countering the Authoritarian Challenge: Public Diplomacy, Soft Power, and Sharp Power. Horizons, 15, 94-108. Ong, Jasmine (2020). Strategic Communications of Civil Resistance: Narratives from Hong Kong. Journal of International Affairs, 73(2), 285-304. Parenti, M. (1986). Inventing reality. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Parenti, M. (1996). The dirty truths: Reflections on politics, media, ideology, conspiracy, ethnic life and class power. San Francisco: City Lights. Shahin, Saif, Zheng, Pei, Strum, Heloisa A & Fadnis, Deepa. (2016). Protesting the Paradigm: A Comparative Study of News Coverage of Protests in Brazil, China, and India. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 21(2), 143-164. Shoemaker, P. & Reese, S. (1996). Mediating the message: Theories of influences on mass media content (2ed Ed.). New York: Longman. Tan, Y. & Weaver, D. H. (2010). Media bias, public opinion, and policy liberalism from 1956 to 2004: A second-level agenda-setting study. Mass Communication and Society, 13(4), 412-434. Tsai, Wen-Hsuan. (2017). Enabling China’s Voice to Be Heard by the World. Problems of Post-Communism. 64(3-4), 203-213. Vosoughi, Soroush, Roy, Deb & Aral, Sinan. (2018). The Spread of True and False News Online. Science, 359, 1146-1151. Veneti, Anastasia, Karadimitriou, Achilleas & Poulakidakos, Stamatis (2016). Media Ecology and the Politics of Dissent: Representations of the Hong Kong Protests in The Guardian and China Daily. Social Media + Society. 1-13. Veg, Sebastian (2016). Creating a Textual Public Space: Slogans and Texts from Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement. The Journal of Asian Studies 75(3), 673-702. Walker, Christopher & Ludwig, Jessica. (2017). Sharp Power: Rising Authoritarian Influence. Washington: National Endowment for Democracy. Walker, Christopher (2018). What Is “Sharp Power?”. Journal of Democracy, 29(3), 9-23. Wang, Fei-ling (1999). Self-image and Strategic Intentions: National Confidence and Political Insecurity. In Deng, Yong, Wang, Fei-ling (Eds.), In the Eyes of the Dragon: China Views the World. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Wang, Ray, Groot, Gerry (2018). “Who Represents? Xi Jinping’s Grand United Front Work, Legitimation, Participation and Consultative Democracy. Journal of Contemporary China, 27(1122), 569-583. Weiss, Jessica. (2013). Authoritarian Signaling, Mass Audiences, and National Protest in China. International Organization, 67(1): 1-35 Xiang Bingjuan. (2015). Tell China’s Story Well? International Journal of Interactive Communication System and Technologies, 5(1), 26-40. Sarah Cook (2020). Beijing’s Global Megaphone. Washington: Freedom House. Retrieved from https://freedomhouse.org/report/special-report/2020/beijings-global-megaphone Zelizer, B., Park, D. & Gudelunas, D. (2002). How bias shapes the news: Challenging The New York Times’ status as a newspaper of record on the Middle East. Journalism, 3(3), 283-307.
dc.identifier.urihttp://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/84167-
dc.description.abstract香港反送中運動爆發後,其中臺馬兩地不約而同地觀察到一個現象:即便有為數不少的閱聽者站在親民主陣營,但特定媒體卻罔顧讀者市場,報導立場明顯傾向中共官方。以此現象作為研究動機,本研究旨在探討這個現象與中國大外宣的關聯為何,雖是同樣面對中文讀者臺灣與馬來西亞在新聞敘事上有何異同。 本研究挑選了臺馬兩地代表性的親中媒體—《中國時報》與《星洲日報》,並分別以《自由時報》和《光華日報》作為對照組,預期透過內容分析的四個指標:「消息來源」、「反送中評價」、「暴力歸責」與「新聞切點」,來測量媒體的親中程度。研究假設親中程度越高的媒體會更多使用「親中消息來源」;對反送中運動持「負面」評價;將暴力歸責於「示威者」;更多以「親中切點」敘述事件。此外,將臺馬親中媒體與服務大外宣政策的中共官方媒體進行比較,探討親中媒體敘事策略上是否受到大外宣影響。 量化結果發現,馬來西亞媒體的《星》與《光》在「消息來源」不符假設,而「反送中評價」、「暴力歸責」與「新聞切點」指標上也只有部分符合假設。若搭配文本分析才得以更清晰觀察到《星》的親中傾向。臺灣媒體方面,《中》與《自》的立場差異在「消息來源」、「暴力歸責」與「新聞切點」指標上都得出了符合假設的結果,惟在「反送中運動評價」一項指標上,《中》雖然對反送中運動持「負面」看法,但是相同的現象也出現在《自》的報導上。交叉比較臺馬媒體,單論本研究所選取的四家媒體,從各項指標上足以顯示臺灣「親中」媒體與「非親中」媒體間立場差異大於馬來西亞的案例。 「中國因素」在臺馬獨特的政經結構上對媒體的影響有所差異,臺灣受經濟利誘的影響大於政治施壓;相對地,馬來西亞則是政治背景對媒體立場的影響更為深遠。zh_TW
dc.description.abstractThe danger of biased news has become especially severe recently. During the 2019-2020 Hong Kong protests, certain media in Malaysia wrote news to defame protestors’ demands for democracy and at the same time to justify Hong Kong police’s excessive use of force, which led them to pivot away from journalistic independence. What these media companies did violate the ethical principle of objectivity, and polarized public opinion. This phenomenon of the media intentionally choosing a certain side on China-related news not only occurs in Malaysia, but also in Taiwan. Many Taiwanese researchers have pointed out that biased news is eroding the trust between people. When several Taiwanese and Malaysian media reported on incidents relevant to China, they naturally divided into pro-China and anti-China camps. In a democratic country, the media are free to choose their perspectives to interpret incidents; however, biased news becomes a social problem when they deliberately present an incomplete picture of fact and try to frame the incident on behalf of special interests. Most news from pro-China media companies was partial to Chinese official viewpoints and had failed to address findings of bias and disinformation since the close relationship with the Chinese government. I chose four media from Malaysia and Taiwan as examples. The pro-China media were “Sin Chew Daily” and “China Times”, as for anti-China media were “Kwong Wah Yit Poh” and “Liberty Times”. The goal of this research was to compare the news content of Malaysian and Taiwanese pro-China media with Chinese official media respectively, and the researcher used four indicators, which were “resource of citation”, “attitude toward the protests”, “violence blame” and “news perspective” to measure these media’s pro-China degree. According to the research questions, I proposed assumptions that pro-China media would use more “pro-China resource of citation”; pro-China media tend to hold a “negative” attitude toward the Hong Kong protests; pro-China media blame “the protestors” for using violence, and finally, pro-China media use more “pro-China perspective” to interpret the protests. The research result showed that in Malaysia case, “Sin Chew Daily” actually used more “anti-China resource of citation”. On the contrary, the result of “Kwong Wah Yit Poh” also did not correspond with the assumptions. It used more “pro-China resource of citation”; most news held a “negative” attitude toward the protests; blame “the protestors” for using violence, and finally use more “pro-China perspective” to interpret the protests. As for the Taiwan case, the results were better. The “resource of citation”, “violence blame” and “news perspective” indicators were all correspond with the assumptions, which showed that the “China Times” inclined to Chinese official point of view toward the Hong Kong protests. However, the “attitude toward the protests” indicator only partially corresponded to the assumptions. The “Liberty Times” also tend to hold a “negative” attitude toward the protests. To sum, if comparing the result of Malaysia and Taiwan, we can conclude that the political standpoint of Malaysia media was less the Taiwanese counterpart. On the second part of the research indicated that even the pro-China media has bias in their news, but still they did not reach the degree of Chinese official media, “Global Times” did. The “Global Times” had the highest proportion of using “pro-China resource of citation”; holding “negative” attitude toward the protests; blaming “the protestors” and using “pro-China perspective” to interpret the protests. These results illustrated that the pro-China media did not totally synchronize with Chinese propaganda. Biased news jeopardizes democratic development by shrinking the public discussion from open debate to ideological confrontation. My research helps examine whether biased news from pro-China media conforms to traits of Chinese information manipulation. This will give the Chinese-speaking audience in Malaysia and Taiwan an overall understanding of how Chinese propaganda infects news content so that people can keep a vigilant lookout for information manipulation.en
dc.description.provenanceMade available in DSpace on 2023-03-19T22:05:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
U0001-3006202223131100.pdf: 4426626 bytes, checksum: a97f9c369f2567735a76eaa13764dd9c (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2022
en
dc.description.tableofcontents口試委員會審定書 II 謝辭 III 摘要 V ABSTRACT VI 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機 1 第二節 研究目的 2 第二章 文獻回顧 5 第一節 媒體框架與社會運動 5 第二節 相關理論與概念 10 第三章 研究方法與研究設計 28 第一節 理論建構 28 第二節 研究方法 28 第三節 研究設計 30 第四章 量化分析結果 39 第一節 個案分析 39 第二節 臺馬交叉分析 62 第三節 外宣官媒比較分析 72 第四節 小結 77 第五章 質化分析結果 81 第一節 文本分析 81 第二節 中國因素分析 116 第六章 結論 128 第一節 研究發現 128 第二節 研究限制與建議 131 參考文獻 132 附錄 148
dc.language.isozh-TW
dc.subject大外宣zh_TW
dc.subject馬來西亞華文媒體zh_TW
dc.subject中國因素zh_TW
dc.subject反送中運動zh_TW
dc.subject內容分析zh_TW
dc.subjectHong Kong Protestsen
dc.subjectMalaysian Chinese Mediaen
dc.subjectChinese Propagandaen
dc.subjectContent Analysisen
dc.subjectChina Factorsen
dc.title中國因素在臺馬媒體的展現:以香港反送中運動報導為例zh_TW
dc.titleChina Factors in Taiwanese and Malaysian Media:A Case of 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protestsen
dc.typeThesis
dc.date.schoolyear110-2
dc.description.degree碩士
dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee張錦華(Chin-Hwa Chang),黃兆年(Jaw-Nian Huang)
dc.subject.keyword中國因素,反送中運動,內容分析,大外宣,馬來西亞華文媒體,zh_TW
dc.subject.keywordChina Factors,Hong Kong Protests,Content Analysis,Chinese Propaganda,Malaysian Chinese Media,en
dc.relation.page148
dc.identifier.doi10.6342/NTU202201234
dc.rights.note同意授權(限校園內公開)
dc.date.accepted2022-07-06
dc.contributor.author-college社會科學院zh_TW
dc.contributor.author-dept政治學研究所zh_TW
dc.date.embargo-lift2022-07-08-
顯示於系所單位:政治學系

文件中的檔案:
檔案 大小格式 
U0001-3006202223131100.pdf
授權僅限NTU校內IP使用(校園外請利用VPN校外連線服務)
4.32 MBAdobe PDF
顯示文件簡單紀錄


系統中的文件,除了特別指名其著作權條款之外,均受到著作權保護,並且保留所有的權利。

社群連結
聯絡資訊
10617臺北市大安區羅斯福路四段1號
No.1 Sec.4, Roosevelt Rd., Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C. 106
Tel: (02)33662353
Email: ntuetds@ntu.edu.tw
意見箱
相關連結
館藏目錄
國內圖書館整合查詢 MetaCat
臺大學術典藏 NTU Scholars
臺大圖書館數位典藏館
本站聲明
© NTU Library All Rights Reserved