分配政治、地方派系與社區營造—以嘉義縣長陳明文第二屆任期為例

Abstract

2001年，陳明文帶槍投靠民進黨，提名並當選嘉義縣長，民進黨更在2005年縣長和議會選舉中在嘉義縣首次達成全面執政，被稱為「陳明文模式」。台灣地方政治生態改變的過程中，社區成為地方派系另一個動員和角力的場域。而中央或地方層級的社區營造經費，提供分配政治新的研究空間。前嘉義縣長兼林派領導人陳明文縣長是社區經營方面的佼佼者，擅於結合公務資源，統籌輔導社區發展與分配資源，對於自己的派系、敵對派系和游移派系也有不同策略。 然而，在「陳明文模式」之下的林派和民進黨之間，其實並非單純的合作，更存在著競爭關係。本文試以分配政治角度出發，在政黨之外加入派系維度。以嘉義縣各社區2006-2009年間獲得的「創造台灣城鄉新風貌」補助計畫筆數，來探討「陳明文模式」之後，在其連任且議會也佔優勢之下會如何分配專案補助，並探究面對派系與政黨的競合，其策略的運用。研究發現，分配者會考量肉桶分配的風險、成本和效益；並且要避免其同黨人士來邀功。在陳明文第一任任期曾分配過資源的社區中，他的分配對象是黨派皆游移的游離者；而在第一任任期沒有分配過的社區，第二任時的分配對象會避開民進黨內的非林派立委支持區。

In 2001, Chen Ming-Wen switched political party identification from KMD to DPP, then nominated and chosen as 14th Magistrate of Chiayi County. In 2005, DPP first time won both elections of Magistrate and Congress, being as unified government in Chiayi County. The victory Chen made has been called “Model of Chen Ming-Wen”. Based on former researches, community building or community development has been one of the system and field of local factions’ competitions. Through project grants distributed from central or local government, community building is also one of the field of distributive politics study. Former Chiayi County Magistrate Chen outshines others in his effort of community building, being particularly good at collecting and distributing resources, as well as developing strategies between his own faction and competing groups, and revealing excellent outcomes in national community building competitions and elections. However, under the glory of Model of Chen Ming-Wen, there is collaboration also competition between his faction and DPP. This paper uses Townscape Renaissance Project in Chen’s second term as subject to find out which group he would distribute community building resources to after his landslide victory in Chiayi County. The outcome shows that actor has to consider the risk, cost and benefit of distribution, meanwhile, he has to avoid other DPP members to claim credits with him. The quantitative result reveals that in his second term, he would distribute the grants to swing voters in both party identity and faction. Also, in those communities that he didn’t bring pork to in his first term, he would avoid to distribute to the field of Legislator of his party, but swing faction. Thus, this study concludes by placing findings in the context of related, ongoing questions in the study of distributive politics and local faction in Taiwan.