請用此 Handle URI 來引用此文件：
http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/63313完整後設資料紀錄
| DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
|---|---|---|
| dc.contributor.advisor | 高朗 | |
| dc.contributor.author | Chia-Jung Chung | en |
| dc.contributor.author | 鍾佳容 | zh_TW |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2021-06-16T16:34:20Z | - |
| dc.date.available | 2012-11-22 | |
| dc.date.copyright | 2012-11-22 | |
| dc.date.issued | 2012 | |
| dc.date.submitted | 2012-11-19 | |
| dc.identifier.citation | 壹、中文書目
王定士，2001，〈蘇聯解體後俄羅斯對外政策路線的克里姆林宮政治因素〉，《俄羅斯學報》，1。 王定士，2001，<俄羅斯金融寡頭在民主化與經濟改革的角色 : 1992-1999>，《俄羅斯學報》，1：11-60。 王定士，2008，<普欽時期俄羅斯能源政策之研究>，台北:行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫。 王定士，2011，<俄羅斯對波羅的海與東歐新獨立國家政策之研究>。台北: 行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫研究成果報告。 王承宗，1997，〈俄羅斯國家觀念與本質探討〉，《問題與研究》，36(7)：1-24。 王承宗，2000，〈車臣戰爭與車臣問題〉，《問題與研究》，39(6)：1-31。 王海運譯，2006，《俄羅斯能源外交》，中國北京:人民。 世界知識年鑑編輯部，1992，《世界知識年鑑》，中國上海。 甘逸驊，2003a，〈冷戰結束後的北約與國際關係理論〉，《問題與研究》，42(5)：1-24。 甘逸驊，2003b，〈北約東擴─軍事聯盟的變遷〉，《問題與研究》，42(4)：42-46。 甘逸驊，2007，〈失色的「顏色革命」？〉，《台灣民主季刊》，4(1)：217-220。 伊慶耀，1995，《獨立國協研究-以俄羅斯為中心》，台北：幼獅。 江宜樺，1998，《自由主義、民族主義與國家認同》，臺北市 : 揚智文化。 吳玉山，1995，《共產世界的變遷》，台北：三民書局。 吳玉山，2000，〈新興市場經濟政府、國會與國際金融組織間的互動-以俄羅斯金融危機為例〉台北：行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫。 吳玉山，2007，〈顏色革命的許諾與侷限〉，《台灣民主季刊》，4：2，台北：中央研究院。 吳玉山，2009，<解釋俄羅斯的民主倒退>，《台灣民主季刊》，6(1): 199-205. 宋鎮照、許菁芸，2011，<「分」或「合」的抉擇與邏輯-試析俄羅斯聯邦之聯邦制 >，《問題與研究》，50(2)：1-34。 李文志，2002，<杭亭頓的戰略思想與美國全球戰略的關係 >，《問題與研究》，41(4)：1-20。 李巧石節譯，，1988，<戈巴契夫在蘇共第十九次黨代表會議的報告摘要>， 《問題與研究月刊》，27:12。 李玉珍，1996，<俄羅斯對「獨立國協」政策的演變>，《問題與研究》，35(8)：26-36。 李玉珍，1997，<北約東擴與俄國的反應>，《問題與研究》，36(3)：100-102。 李鳳玉、藍夢荷，2011，<一致政府下的內閣穩定：比較2008年總統選舉之後的俄羅斯與台灣>，《政治科學論叢》，47: 107-142。 亞維菲力波夫著，吳恩遠譯，2009年，《俄羅斯現代史》，中國北京：中國社科 院。 周志杰譯，2007年，《最新比較政治的議題與途徑》，臺北：韋伯文化國際。譯自Todd Landman. 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Politics in the vernacular : Nationalism, multiculturalism and citizenship. New York: Oxford University Press. 2001. 鄭羽主編，2006，《既非盟友也非敵人-蘇聯解體後的俄美關係(1991~2005)》，中國北京：世界知識出版社。 鄭端耀，2003，<布希政府安全戰略發展評析>，《遠景基金會季刊》，4(2)：1-37。 駐英國台北代表處，1998，〈東歐及中亞26國－白俄羅斯－民營化與重建> ，http://www.tro-taiwan.roc.org.uk/de/ecoun-f.htm，2012/4/22。 龍舒甲，1993，〈格魯吉亞的內亂〉，《問題與研究》，32(10)：61-75。 龍舒甲，1996，〈格魯吉亞的政局發展:民主選舉與民族衝突〉，《問題與研究》，35(5)：63-72。 龍舒甲，1998，<北約擴大與俄羅斯的反應>，《問題與研究》，37(1)：31-36。 龍舒甲，2000，〈外高加索之政情與俄羅斯對該地區的政策〉，《問題與研究》，39(6): 33-49。 龍舒甲，2005，〈美國對格魯吉亞的外交政策〉，《問題與研究》，44(5)： 85-101． 聯合報，2011，＜喬治亞出兵，設局拖美歐下水＞。2011/08/08。 魏百谷，2009，〈喬治亞境內南奧塞提亞與阿布哈茲爭議之探討〉，《新世 紀智庫論壇》，47: 83-90。 魏百谷，2009，＜俄羅斯梅德韋傑夫總統對中國政策的思維＞，《台灣國際研 究季刊》，5(2): 37-55。 魏百谷，2010，<普欽時期俄羅斯經濟外交的內涵與運用>，台北:行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫。 譚索，2009，《葉利欽的西化改革給俄羅斯社會帶來深重的災難》，中國北京：社科文獻。 貳、西文書目 Abushov, kavus. 2009. “ Policing the near abroad : Russian Foreign Policy in the South Caucasus.” Australian Journal of International Affairs, 63(2) : 187-212. Allison, Roy.2008. “Russia Resurgent ? 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| dc.identifier.uri | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/63313 | - |
| dc.description.abstract | 在喬治亞脫離蘇維埃社會主義共和國聯盟統治的民主化過程中，族群分離意識與地緣政治因素，導致一連串的族群衝突與分裂危機。而政治領袖的個人出身背景及大國戰略關係，也導致喬治亞族群政策的轉變。本論文旨在分析喬治亞的族群關係，以及政治領袖在地緣政治與大國外交上的選擇與傾向，進而對後冷戰時代的族群政治，提出個案分析與詮釋。
基於這樣的研究動機，本文將喬治亞衝突的面貌與影響因素分別討論。本文認為，在後冷戰時代直至2008年止，喬治亞的族群關係共經歷了四個階段。分別為緊張衝突期、衝突緩解期、衝突升溫期到戰爭期。影響各階段族群關係的轉變因素，主要有三個。分別為喬治亞因素、俄羅斯因素與國際因素。喬治亞因素方面，它的三任領導人，甘薩胡爾季亞、謝瓦納茲與薩卡希維利扮演相當重要的影響角色。同時，對喬治亞的國家建構過程，也存在相當的影響力。俄羅斯因素方面，俄羅斯的政治、經濟與境內分離意識皆影響它對喬治亞的態度。同時，該等地緣政治因素，也形成今日的喬治亞族群衝突。最後，國際因素方面，美國與俄羅斯仍以大國利益為優先考量，也說明了國際政治的現實與殘酷。 總結而言，本文有三大研究結果與學術貢獻。第一，喬治亞的族群衝突具有不可化約性。阿布哈茲人與南奧塞提人的族群起源不同於喬治亞人，而阿札爾人與喬治亞人血緣同源。因此，前者與喬治亞人的衝突無法化解，而後者可以。第二，喬治亞深受俄羅斯政治文化的影響。典型俄羅斯政治包括民粹主義、東正教與專制體制。而在喬治亞的政治環境中，典型的俄羅斯政治文化如影隨形。第三，俄羅斯干涉喬治亞族群衝突的動機，是防禦性大於攻擊性。對於俄羅斯而言，它更害怕的是，喬治亞恐成另一個伊朗、另一個恐怖主義的溫床、另一次的巴爾幹化。 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract | After seceded from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Georgia underwent a series of ethnic conflicts and separatism crisis. The leaders’ backgrounds and the presidents’ strategic relations play an important role. Hence, this thesis is mainly concerned about Georgia’s ethnic relations in the post-cold war, and analyzes how Georgia’s location and the leaders’ decision making influence Georgia’s ethnic policies.
Based on the above mentioned reflections and criticisms, this thesis tends to provide retrospectively historical events, and deduces the crucial factors which impact the ethnic relations. From 1990 to 2008, Georgia suffered four-staged racial relations, including the conflict period, the cooling-down period, the intensified period, and the war period. The influenced factors deal with Georgia itself, Russia and the international elements. When viewing Georgia, its leaders, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze and Mikheil Saakashvili, dominate (d) Georgia’s ethnic affairs. It is the same to its national building process. Moreover, the inner factors in Russia, such as politics, economics and potential secessionism, are the predominant reasons which lead Russia to intervene Georgia’s racial relations. It, again, expounds how geopolitics is essential to international politics. Last, USA and Russia will take their national interests as the first concern if they decide to manage Georgia’s inner conflict. In general, this thesis contributes to three major academic findings. First, ethnic conflicts maintain irreducible complexity. The Abkhazian, the South Ossetian , and the Georgian derive from three distinguishing races whereas the Ajarian originate from the Georgian. It clarifies why the tense between the Georgian and the Ajarian had already alleviated. Secondly, Georgia’s politic culture is profoundly affected by the one of Russia which includes populism, the Orthodox Church, and autocracy. Thirdly, Russia does not intend to offend Georgia, but to defend itself mainly. What Russia fears mostly is that Georgia may become another Iran, another terrorists’ hotbed, and another Balkanization. | en |
| dc.description.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2021-06-16T16:34:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ntu-101-R98322032-1.pdf: 2043347 bytes, checksum: bb43fda16dae413c3afe7dde23381a9b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 | en |
| dc.description.tableofcontents | 口試委員會審定書……………………………………………………… I
謝辭…………………………………………………………………… II 中文摘要…………………………………………………………………IV 英文摘要…………………………………………………………………V 第一章 緒 論…………………………………………………………… 1 第一節 問題意識與研究動機………………………………………1 第二節 研究途徑與方法………………………………………… 7 第二章 文獻回顧……………………………………………… …11 第一節 分離主義…………………………………………… … 11 第二節 喬治亞的分離主義…………………………………… 22 第三節 綜合檢討……………………………………………… 28 第三章 喬治亞境內分離意識的歷史淵源：1990年前……………… 31 第一節 帝俄與蘇聯時期對喬治亞的族群政策…………… … 31 第二節 帝俄與蘇聯時期的喬治亞………………………… 37 第三節 帝俄與蘇聯時期的阿布哈茲與南奧塞提…………… 42 第四節 小 結…………………………………………… … 49 第四章 喬治亞族群關係的變化:1991年~2008年8月12日………… 51 第一節 1991年~1993年:喬治亞族群關係:緊張衝突期……… 52 第二節1994年~2001年:喬治亞族群關係:衝突緩解期…………66 第三節2002年~2008年7月:喬治亞族群關係: 衝突升溫期……75 第四節2008年8月8日~2008年8月12日:喬治亞的族群關係: 戰爭期 ……………83 第五節 小 結 …………………………………………………89 第五章 影響喬治亞族群關係變化的因素…………………… 91 第一節 喬治亞因素…………………………………………… 93 第二節 俄羅斯因素:俄羅斯對喬治亞政策之影響 ………… 108 第三節 國際因素:美俄關係對喬治亞之影響……………… 126 第四節 小結………………………………………………… 146 第六章 結論………………………………………………………147 參考文獻………………………………………………………… ……156 附錄…………………………………………………………………… 172 | |
| dc.language.iso | zh-TW | |
| dc.subject | 民主化 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 南奧塞提 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 阿布哈茲 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 分離主義 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 族群關係 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 喬治亞共和國 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 大國外交 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | Democratization | en |
| dc.subject | Ethnic Relationship | en |
| dc.subject | Great-power Diplomacy | en |
| dc.subject | South Ossetia | en |
| dc.subject | Abkhazia | en |
| dc.subject | Secessionism | en |
| dc.subject | Georgia (Country) | en |
| dc.title | 喬治亞的族群關係:1990-2008 | zh_TW |
| dc.title | Georgia's Ethnic Relationship:1990-2008 | en |
| dc.type | Thesis | |
| dc.date.schoolyear | 101-1 | |
| dc.description.degree | 碩士 | |
| dc.contributor.coadvisor | 左正東 | |
| dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | 陳一新,周陽山 | |
| dc.subject.keyword | 喬治亞共和國,分離主義,阿布哈茲,南奧塞提,民主化,族群關係,大國外交, | zh_TW |
| dc.subject.keyword | Georgia (Country),Secessionism,Abkhazia,South Ossetia,Democratization,Ethnic Relationship,Great-power Diplomacy, | en |
| dc.relation.page | 174 | |
| dc.rights.note | 有償授權 | |
| dc.date.accepted | 2012-11-20 | |
| dc.contributor.author-college | 社會科學院 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.author-dept | 政治學研究所 | zh_TW |
| 顯示於系所單位： | 政治學系 | |
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| ntu-101-1.pdf 未授權公開取用 | 2 MB | Adobe PDF |
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