治理底層女性：日本殖民性治理與被治理者的政治(1895-1937)

Abstract

「殖民性治理」從傅柯的治理性研究角度，將性視為殖民地人口治理的政治問題。日本統治臺灣地方行政第一要務，就是實施殖民地公娼制度，藉此迅速引進母國娼妓並設置公娼專區。問題是，當「治理殖民者」成為更便利的替代方案，從「為何不治理被殖民者」到「為何治理」的治理轉折，就成為研究殖民權力的另類難題。因此，相較既有研究著重權力支配的制度分析，本文轉而聚焦臺灣人私娼議題，下探地方治理微觀權力關係，藉由強調關係性的治理分析，以此提出替代性的歷史解釋。 研究面向分為性衛生、性經濟與性治安。在史料突破與研究創新上，除運用總督府官方檔案中的醫政、警政、財政與戶政史料外，同時結合歷史地理與歷史人口研究方法，將報紙新聞、商業名人錄與觀光指南書，轉化為歷史地理資訊(GIS)之空間治理研究，並解讀歌仔冊與戶口簿中的底層女性生命史軌跡。 如果說「為何不治理」是出於國家能力限制下，優先治理殖民者性衛生的政治選擇，「為何治理」則比較接近地方治理層次的發現與突現，具有治理誘因與策略選擇的機遇性質，由此形構了「治理不為」、「治理不及」與「差別治理」的治理動態。直到日治中期以前，「衛生上有病」並未使得被殖民者納入治理，而是當「經濟上有利」乃至「社會上有害」時，方才強化了治理介入必要性。 從被治理者的政治而論，透過分析治理的政治經濟機制，有助揭開加諸被治理者的層層結構制約，及其有限的歷史能動性。在進入與退出之間，從娼之路公私有別。無論是臺人公娼的出現或消失，實則出自空間治理下權力介入的結果。而被治理者變成了誰，往往歸因娼妓身分制定的治理策略選擇。然而，在不同治理事件賦予的機會或限制下，存於多重歷史行動者間的利害關係，亦觸發了底層女性夾縫求生的集體行動或個人化生存策略。治理越強，「反引導」應之而起。她們不服於治理，時而避稅、抵制、逃亡。透過日本殖民性治理與被治理者的政治，本研究嘗試開拓出具底層與性別向度的在地歷史社會學視野。

This dissertation is a historical sociology study concerning sex, gender and race politics of prostitution regulation in colonial Taiwan. It aims to examine the interplay of governmental priorities set by colonial differences and the politics of the governed. Japanese colonial governmentality of sex is defined as governing sexual contacts between the colonizer and the colonized, in terms of governing population in the colony. The first enactment of the local legislation was the regulation of licensed prostitution, dealing with Japanese prostitutes serving compatriots. However, extant researches emphasize mostly the licensed prostitutes and consequently fail to explore Taiwanese illegal prostitution tolerated by the colonial administration. The question thus arises: to govern the colonized or not. This research relies mostly on official archives, supplemented by local literatures. The geographic information system (GIS) is applied to identify the spatial allocation and regulation of red-light districts, while the household registration data compiled to reveal life histories of the native prostitutes. By means of a relational analysis of governmental deeds, this research traces the transformation of regulation policies by the Governor-General Office as well as two prime local governments, Tainan and Taipei. Through reconsidering the invisible native prostitutes issue, an alternative historical narrative of “Japanese colonial governmentality of sex” is achieved in the following ways: First, to answer the question of “to govern the colonized or not”. This is a governmental choice not only affected by colonial differences, but limited by state capacity. For the bio-politics consideration, Taiwan Governor-General Office remained its policy of governing sex hygiene of the colonizer instead of the colonized until the 1920 years. However, government intervention in native illegal prostitution emerged in the Tainan case (1907) as well as Taipei (1920s), reflecting relative autonomy of the local government. Under pragmatic concern, local governments triggered by various governmental concerns adopted different strategic choices. The local governmental paths shifted with historical contingencies. For instance, the economic factor matters. The underground economy of native sex industry was regarded as an important source of local finance in the case of Tainan’s legalization of native prostitutes in 1907. In Taipei during the late1920s, under the crime control concern, the security factor related to sex induced police intervention into the linkage among illegal prostitutes, suspicious gangsters and juvenile delinquency in the Taiwanese subaltern society. Secondly, to deal with “politics of the governed”. A close look at the political economy mechanisms reveals how the systematic control imposed by the government resulted in the limited agencies of Taiwanese subaltern women. No matter the governed was legal or illegal, in the forms of prostitute, geisha or barmaid, it depended on measures police adopted to identify suspicious targets. The conducting strategy and its related power technologies for the colonized thus should be specified. Observations in various governmental events also revealed how interest conflicts among social actors could lead to collective actions as well as individualized micro-tactics by the subaltern women simply for their survival needs. It follows from what has been said, the more “the conduct of conducts” the power enacted, the more “counter-conducts” the governed reacted.