緬甸社會共和時期（1962至1967年）中央政府政策對緬華社群的影響

Abstract

這篇論文分析了20世紀60年代中也在下緬甸地區奈溫和革命委員會的政策對緬僑社群的影響。本篇也發現在經濟、教育以及社會三個方面帶來巨大二消極的影響，為緬甸的國內形勢和緬僑社群會帶來直接而且嚴重的後果。 大量的學術關注在緬甸社群主義共和國革命委員會時期早期 (1962-1967)。多数的文献集中在 (1) 這個時期緬甸國內的政治演變；(2) 這段時期依照奈溫的《緬甸式社會主義綱領》的經濟和相應指定的經濟法規；(3) 冷戰時期緬甸中立的外交政策。少量的關注在於緬甸國內事件中中央政府政策帶來的更廣泛的社會影響。 這篇論文透過研究革命委員會的政策對緬僑社群的影響後果，意在補全缺口。它討論了革命委員會在1962-1967年間在經濟、教育以及社會方面的創制對緬僑關係帶來的影響是失衡且消極的。緬甸人在兩國分別為少數民族和多數民族，所以也同時加劇了兩國的緊張關係。本文發現這些政策不是1967年爆發排華暴動的唯一原因，他們的確摧毀了緬僑關係在緬甸社群中得地位，並極大地導致了他們對奈溫政權的失望。 透過分析下緬甸地區奈溫和緬甸聯邦革命委員會的政策對緬中社群的影響，本文試圖對十九世紀六十年代前期的大量相關文獻做出獨特貢獻。第一章回顧了緬甸這段時期政治、經濟和社會發展的文字資料，並主張吳奈溫的經濟、教育和社會政策，對緬甸社會造成深遠影響。第二章調查了《緬甸式社會主義綱領》(The Burmese Way to Socialism) 這篇吳奈溫各項政策背後意識形態文件的原則與意涵。第三章則列舉吳奈溫的各項政策，對緬華在緬甸經濟扮演的核心角色，如何帶來嚴重影響。第四章分析了新社會制度下的教育政策和它對緬華的影響。第五章著眼於緬華社群的社會組織，並分析緬中關係對它的影響。第六章提出，一九六七年在仰光發生的反華暴亂，是吳奈溫這些政策的附帶結果，並以現有證據佐證。

This thesis analyzes the impact that the policies of Ne Win and the Revolutionary Council exerted on the Burmese-Chinese community in Lower Burma in the mid-1960s. It finds this impact to have been very significant and deleterious in three domains—economic, educational, and social—with immediate and severe consequences for Burma’s domestic affairs and the Burmese-Chinese community. Considerable scholarly attention has been paid to the early years of the Revolutionary Council period (1962-1967) of Burma’s Socialist Republic. Much of this literature has focused on (1) Burma’s domestic political evolution during this era; (2) the economics of the period in light of Ne Win’s The Burmese Way to Socialism and its prescriptions for economic policy; and (3) Burma’s foreign policy of neutralism during the Cold War era. Less attention has been given to the broader social impact that central-government policy had within Burma’s domestic scene. This thesis aims to fill part of that gap by examining the consequences of Revolutionary Council policy upon the Burmese-Chinese community. It argues that the Council’s economic, educational, and social initiatives in the 1962-1967 period had a disproportionate and negative impact on the Burmese-Chinese, aggravating tensions between them as a minority and the majority Burmans. The thesis finds that while these policies were not the sole cause for the outbreak of pro-Maoist and anti-Chinese riots in 1967, they did undermine the place of Burmese-Chinese in Burmese society and significantly contributed to their disillusionment with the Ne Win regime. This project is divided into six chapters. Chapter One reviews existing studies of Burma’s internal developments during the Revolutionary Council era, and argues that Ne Win’s economic, educational, and social policies had their greatest impact on the Burmese-Chinese community. Chapter Two examines the principles and implications of the ideological document behind those policies, Ne Win’s The Burmese Way to Socialism. Chapter Three lays out the harsh impact that Ne Win’s policies had on the central role that Burmese-Chinese played in Burma’s economy. The fourth chapter explores the similar impact from the new regime’s educational policy. Chapter Five looks at Burmese-Chinese social organizations and how they evolved in light of the changing relations between Burma and China. Chapter Six suggests that the anti-Chinese riots in Rangoon in 1967 were the fallout of these policies, and offers final conclusions from the evidence presented.