歐洲聯盟對中國武器禁運政策之人權考量 1989-2008

Abstract

這篇論文討論歐盟給中國武器禁運人權考量的角色。1989年天安門的事件視爲影響歐盟中國關係很重要的轉折點。無疑地，1989年天安門事件以後，歐盟在對中國施加武器禁運的行動表示了歐盟對自由，民主主義，對人權的尊敬以及法規原則的委任。雖然如此，中國人權情況的發展和使得歐盟會員國改善它們跟中國關係以及呼籲廢除歐盟給中國武器的禁運的動機指出歐盟沒有作爲純粹規範的力量（normative power)。 該研究的目的是顯示歐盟對中國人權情況的憂慮以及歐盟規範力量的角色僅作爲形成歐中雙方的關係和歐盟武器禁運政策的方面的一部分。其他的方面包括重要經濟的交換和不充分安全的合作。會員國領袖的聲明以及武器出口的行爲指出在改變全球的環境上，歐盟的會員國越來越認識中國重要的地位而因此願意寬容人權的事件。同時，雖然法國和德國帶頭推進廢除武器的禁運，不過歐盟其他的聲音，尤其北歐的國家和對美國遊說有敏感的東歐國家，強調中國人權不滿足的情況而反對廢除武器的禁運。 這篇論文章首先提供該研究全體的背景，它的目的，研究的疑問和假設，方法論和概念的架構。第二章介紹天安門的事件和歐盟對這事件的反應。第三章討論歐盟給中國武器禁運法律的基礎而解釋其有疑問的的形式如何使得它被會員國不同的演出。直接，這篇論文更詳細地討論中國人權的情況從天安門事件所有經過的發展。並且從討論廢除中國武器禁運的角度介紹歐盟， 歐盟主要會員國和美國對這發展的立場。如此，第二跟第三章提供該研究比較全體和技術引導

這禁運的實施和它的履行的背景，第四跟第五章更有深刻見解地研究歐盟給中國武器禁運人權考量的角色。 這篇論文的最終章論歐盟給中國武器禁運人權考量的角色。這章的重點是歐盟跟中國的關係除了迫被人權的考量還有其他的動機。事實上，這指出歐盟給中國武器禁運的政策不僅受到人權的考量而且很易受到市場需求的影響。

This study is addressing the issue of the role of human rights considerations in the EU’s arms embargo policy on China. The crackdown on the pro-democracy movement in 1989 is viewed as a significant turning point in the relations between China and the EU. There is no doubt that the EU’s commitment to the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law was exemplified by the imposition of this embargo which followed the 1989 Tiananmen massacre. Nevertheless, the development of the condition of human rights in China and the motivations that drove Member States to improve their relations with China and call for lifting of the arms ban are indicating that the EU is not operating as a pure normative power. This research intends to show that the EU’s concern for the condition of human rights in China and its role as a normative power are only partial aspects that are shaping the EU-China bilateral relation and the EU’s arms embargo policy. Other aspects include significant bilateral economic exchanges, political motivations and security cooperation. Statements by heads of Member States, as well as arms export behavior, are indicating that in the changing global environment, EU Member States are increasingly recognizing the important position of China and are therefore willing to overlook human rights issues. At the same time, while France and Germany have taken the lead in pushing for lifting of the arms ban, other voices within the EU, mainly from Nordic countries and East European states sensitive to U.S. lobbying, stressed China’s dissatisfying condition of human rights and opposed lifting it. v This research begins by providing a general background for the writing of this research, the purpose of writing it, the research questions and hypothesis，the methodology and the conceptual framework .The second part is introducing the events of Tiananmen and the EU’s response to these events. The third part is discussing the legal basis of the embargo and shows how its problematic form resulted in different interpretations by Member States. Following is a more detailed examination of the developments China made in its condition of human rights since the massacre and the position of the EU, Member States and the U.S. regarding lifting of the embargo in light of these developments. The last chapter is discussing the role of human rights considerations in the EU’s arms embargo policy on China. Thus, while the second and third parts in this research are providing a general and technical background of the events that led to the imposition of the embargo and its implementation, the fourth and fifth parts are more insightful in their analysis of the role of human rights considerations in the EU’s arms embargo policy. This paper intends to show that except for human rights, the EU had other strong motivations in its relations with China and that practically speaking, the EU’s export behavior also appeared to be highly responsive to market demands rather than to the condition of human rights.