延安經驗在1950年代的重演: 以杜高檔案為例

Abstract

中國共產黨在1949年後所施行的思想改造總是令人納悶不已，史學家難以釐清中共藉著1949年後的各種政治運動的思想改造，其規模為何會不斷地擴大，不斷地滲透人心，以致於許多忠心耿耿的共產黨員均成為異議份子，長年承受思想改造之苦。史學家也無法深刻地了解1949年前的各種思想元素如何一步一步地激化，並在1949年後成為中共在各種整風（及政治運動）的審查機制以及道德權威的建立所賴以茁壯成長的思想資源以及進行思想改造的合法性來源。這些從晚清到國共內戰的各種重要思想元素如何與中共自延安整風所建立的審查機制形成有機的結合，從而成為中共道德權威的豐富資源，以及思想改造的催化劑？為了避免中共50到70年代的政治運動及思想改造運動在未來以「異曲同工之妙」的方式再度上演，史學家必須透過各種不同的歷史文本 – 例如檔案、日記、書信、詩歌、小說、劇本、口說歷史、回憶錄、等文本 – 從微觀（microscopic）與宏觀（macroscopic)的方式還原當時的歷史面貌。1950年代到1970年代的各種受害者與加害者如何合理化（rationalize）他們的處境與施壓？1957年的反右運動中的加害者為何在日後成為受害者？本論文計畫以《杜高檔案》為主要分析對象，把1949年各個接連不斷的政治運動視為一個整體來觀察，分析一個對中共充滿了好感的文藝青年如何被塑造成異議分子，成為反革命集團的極右份子，在結束長達11年多之久的勞動改造生涯之後，為何「不再是我」，成為自我已蕩然無存的衰老人，當年的文藝夢想不復存在，取而代之是醫療的基本待遇成為最大的願望，其餘免談。25年過去了，當年那位夢想著在中共文壇佔有一席之地的活潑青年蛻變成一個體弱多病的衰老人，在社會底層勞動維持生計，勞改的可怕陰影在其腦海中仍舊縈繞未去。杜高是55萬右派的倖存者，但是也成了中共革命的犧牲品。杜高先生的恐怖歷史在中共50年代至70年代的知識份子群體中，相當具有代表性。 誠然，關於中共55萬的右派，史學家的了解極為有限，除了較為著名的大右派的經歷之外，對於那些較默默無聞的普通右派缺乏認識。然而，正是了解一些不著名的55萬的右派歷史將讓史學家能夠分析思想改造如何廣泛施行，審查制度的具體運作，思想元素與政治制度的互動，受害者與加害者如何理解自己的遭遇，思想改造運動如何步步為營，步步激進，成為萬夫莫敵的武器。《杜高檔案》在1998年時，奇蹟般地被發現，提供史學家一個極為難得的窗口，讓我們從具體的檔案材料窺探55萬右派之一的杜高，如何被塑造成異議份子，審查制度的具體運作，人事資料（包括檢舉、揭發、交代、自我檢討、批示等）如何被使用。《杜高檔案》讓我們探討中共如何藉著道德權威及道德優越感來擴大罪名的涵義，也讓我們了解思想、態度、動機、話語如何融合為一，成為根本無法自拔的罪名流沙。像杜高檔案諸如此類的完整檔案，其出現極為罕見，多半55萬右派的檔案早已化為紙漿或在檔案館與世隔絕，下落不明。正因為如此，《杜高檔案》值得我們深入分析，從具體的檔案細節琢磨以上所提出的各種議題，抽出深刻的見解與智慧，讓後代子孫對思想罪與共產黨的思想改造有了多一分警惕與關懷。

The sad fate of Chinese intellectuals under Maoist China has long been a topic of deliberation in studies of modern Chinese history. Historians have made attempted to trace the roots of thought reform in post 1949 China, and pointed out how various intellectual trends in late Qing and early Republican China facilitated thought reform. Nevertheless, thought reform in post 1949 China still remains a topic which is little understood and difficult to analyze. In the past years, historians have increasingly emphasized the importance of using diaries, memoirs, letters, files, and literature in tracing the thought of Chinese intellectuals under Maoist China. This thesis approaches the topic of thought reform using the file of Du Gao, a rather unknown modern Chinese intellectual, writer, literary critic and playwright under Maoist China. Du Gao’s file is a comprehensive file of an ordinary intellectual engaged in literary and cultural work. Such files are very rare to come by, since most have been destroyed. Du Gao’s file was suddenly found at a used book stand in Bejing in 1998 by the Chinese scholar, Li Hui. Using the example of Du Gao and analysis of his file, this thesis attempts to trace how thought reform and the framing of guilt as a counterrevolutionary were in effect part of one simultaneous process in the political movements of post 1949 China. Analysis of Du Gao’s file allows us to the examine the fate of an unknown intellectual who was framed as a rightist and leader of a small counterrevolutionary group in the 1950s. The investigation procedures to which Du Gao and other intellectuals were submitted in the 1950s were the same as those used in Yenan in 1942. A core feature of this procedure was simultaneously investigating thought problems and political guilt, which caused thought problems to be exaggerated into political crimes. This thesis explores how this process caused loyal Chinese intellectuals to be transformed into enemies of the people. Analysis of the multitude of recantations, exposures, informants, self-criticisms contained in Du Gao’s file allows historians to explore how the Communist leadership at all levels (local and national) re-interpreted and re-contextualized the words and actions of Du Gao and his circle of friends, so that these actions became counter-revolutionary actions. Throughout this process, the Communist leadership gradually monopolized the right of interpretation of actions. This process created extremely dangerous half-truths: the consummation of a given word or action was undeniable, but the meaning of the action/word had completely changed. Throughout this investigation process, the Communist leadership resorted to Communist moral codes. In an effort to show loyalty to Communist moral codes, each investigated person wrote criticisms which further ensnared friends and themselves into political guilt. Moral identity overtook legal identity, and the breaking of moral codes became the starting point for attribution of political guilt, legal confinement, and labor reform. Du Gao’s file spans from the 1955 Su-fan movement to the Cultural Revolution, providing historians with a rare window to examine Communist morality and its connection with thought reform and the framing of political guilt.