他們如何營生？為何反抗？怎麼行動？──二林農民主體性研究

Abstract

中文摘要 彰化縣二林鎮是傳統的農業小鎮。自1970年代末期至1990年代中期，因菸酒公賣局推動釀酒葡萄契作，因而有一波發展的榮景。但自90年代中期公賣局終止釀酒葡萄契作後，榮景不再，釀酒葡萄生產關係從計畫經濟轉變為自由經濟，迫使釀酒葡萄農進行生產調節。而2009年二林中科四期開發案，代表工業資本及土地投機資本向農村擴張，以國家作為中介掠奪農地、水源等農業生產資源，使二林農民面對直接的生存危機。 2008年起我開始在二林地區進行參與觀察，並自2009年起開始介入相思寮聚落反迫遷的社會行動當中。我透過參與觀察以及與協同農民行動的過程，啟發我思考農民主體性為何的問題，因而提出以下三點問題意識：一、農民的營生邏輯為何？二、農民起而反抗的原因為何？三、農民如何參與共同集體行動？希望從農民行動的這三個面向，綜合性地提出對於農民主體性的理解。 在第三章我指出在釀酒葡萄契作中止後，二林農民展現生產的避險配置與多元的兼業等彈性的生計策略、並且不排除擴大生產規模以及增加資本投入等方式進生產調節，但仍然維持家庭經濟的營生邏輯。形成一個適應市場經濟，但仍維持家庭經濟原則的日常經濟抵抗。在第五章我反省自己與相思寮人的社會行動，發現農民的行動是立基於以鄉村人我關係、反抗殖民與國家資本的身體經驗、地方勢力關係之拿捏等生命經驗，並且以家庭生存作為主要行動邏輯。總的來說，我理解到的台灣農民主體性，是以家庭勞動消費及家庭生存作為主要行動邏輯，並且具有彈性多元的謀生與抵抗策略的行動者。

Abstract Erlin Township, Changhua County, is a traditional agricultural town. Due to the wine grapes contract farming of Taiwan Tobacco and Wine Monopoly Bureau(TTWMB) , Erlin Township become Taiwan's largest wine grape growing region, and had a wave of prosperity since late 1970s to the mid-1990s. However, since the mid-1990s, wine grapes contract farming was terminated, the wine grapes farming was forced to transfer its relations of production from planned economy to free market economy, and wine grapes farmers was forced to have production adjustment. In 2009 government planed to develop Erlin Science Park project. This project represents industrial capital and speculative capital expansion to the rural area , and state as an intermediary to plunder agricultural land, water and other resources of rural area, thus Erlin farmers face direct crisis. Since 2008, I involved in participant observation in Erlin area, and since 2009 I started to involved in the anti-eviction action of Xianxiliao village. Through participant observation and co-action with the peasant inspire me to think of peasant’s subjectivity, and raised awareness of the following three questions: First, how peasants make a living? Second, why peasants turned to rebel? Third, how they act in rebellion? I want to have more comprehensive understanding of subjectivity of peasants through these three questions. In Chapter three, I found that Erlin peasants show a risk management and diverse part-time job, and other flexible livelihood strategies, and does not exclude to use expansion of production scale and increasing capital investment approach to adjust production, but still maintained the logic of family economy to make a living. It is a kind of everyday-life rebellion against market economy that peasants can adapt market economy but still maintain the economic logic of family economy. In chapter five, I reflect my own social action with peasants of Xianxiliao village. I found that peasants’ action is based on the life experience that include personal relationships , body experience of against the colonial and state capital, and how to deal with local political power. What’s more they take family’s survival as principle of collective action.In sum, I think that Taiwan peasants are actors that take family labor-consumer balance and family’s survival as principle logical of action, and have multiple and flexible strategy of livelihood and resistance .