另類農食形塑歷程—古坑咖啡之個案

Abstract

另類農食近年浮現於西方消費社會與學界的討論範疇中，本研究以此為題探究古坑咖啡的形塑歷程。研究目的為：(一)以古坑咖啡的發展脈絡檢視臺灣另類農食的形塑歷程，由於此概念是根著於西方社會所洐生的經驗現象，並不能完全套用解釋於臺灣個案中，因此，本研究透過歷史的視野，清楚分析咖啡在主流與另類間的變動性與辦證性。(二)勾勒古坑咖啡運作的網絡關係以及「品質」、「地方」的概念，最後則建構另類農食整合要素關係。 透過檢視農業地理研究進展，本研究方法論採政治經濟學與文化轉向面向，以前者言，由歷史脈絡重新檢視各階段國家政策對古坑咖啡產業影響(日治、光復、921震後)；以後者言，落實到在地網絡關係能量如何注入產業運作中，如此，兼具鉅觀與微觀的視野。因此，本研究資料收集方法初期採文獻收集，勾勒對研究場域的初步輪廓後，透過訪談法和觀察法作為主要資料收集方式，選取相關行動者作為訪談/觀察對象並逐步聚焦問題核心。此外，在資料收集與論文書寫的過程中，應避免激化不同群體的對立，以及因過度披露真相造成地方利益的損害。 本研究發現為：(一)臺灣另類農食形塑有別於歐美社會出自於環境倫理、社會正義及鄉村經濟再發展的背景，以古坑咖啡個案為例，它是一種以地方為基礎的小資本主義，且是在政治、文化、經濟發展標的下的產物。(二)本研究將古坑咖啡生產分為栽種、烘焙收購、販賣三部分，每階段都有相應的網絡關係。咖啡栽種主要行動者為農民，其生產知識網絡體系來自環境演育、歷史背景與各行動者的互動中形成；烘焙收購主要行動者為咖啡廳、農會與合作社等中小型資本者，咖啡廳收購網絡型態異於農會與合作社，計有至咖啡生豆評鑑會場選購、代客烘焙期間購買、與農民對分、農民推銷四種，古坑憑藉地理聲望成為臺灣本土咖啡的集散地，使得咖啡廳業者不一定收購古坑自產咖啡豆，原料收購區擴及鄰近鄉鎮。基於品質穩定，傾向與特定農民建立長期非契約式的合作關係，並由此交流所屬領域知識。農會與合作社則是另種類型，其商品主力為即溶系列咖啡，原料來源以進口咖啡粉為主、收購古坑在地咖啡豆為輔，不似咖啡廳業者以品質穩定為優先考量，收購本土咖啡豆目的在於取得販賣古坑咖啡的正當性；販賣方面，農會與合作社藉由通路行銷至外地，透過商品包裝論述、地方品牌經營代表性、農產認證標章等方式取得消費者信賴。咖啡廳則透過咖啡園實景、闡釋臺灣咖啡風味特性、沖泡技術展演等方式向遊客推銷。個體農民則偏向論述咖啡「在地」好滋味吸引遊客購買。此外，本研究也檢視古坑咖啡的空間關係網絡運作，它是各種層級空間力量交互作用所建構，包含全國廣告意象形塑、地方行動者力量、縣政府透過節慶辦理得以連結在地與外界。(三)地方長期以來是人文地理所關注的焦點，不同的典範傳統對地方亦有不同的解釋與觀點，研究發現古坑咖啡的地方性是由各地交互作用下所共構而出，強調是連結性與變動性。更進一步，另類農食涉及一系列的壟斷地租的空間戰爭，雲林縣政府透過臺灣咖啡節舉辦自此壟斷臺灣咖啡的代表權，使得古坑咖啡等同於臺灣咖啡，至於古坑境內各地亦透過不同方式爭取代表權。此外，若將地方視為工具，則對每類行動者產生不同的意義，地方政府將古坑視為是臺灣咖啡的原鄉、咖啡廳業者則強調為本土咖啡的集散地且具有高度的專業知識、咖啡小農則論述為道地的滋味、農會則表示為咖啡的加工地，調配出適合國人口感的臺灣咖啡。(四)在另類農食中，品質是社會文化所建構的產品，而非科學專家知識衍化的指標，經由媒體報章的內容分析，宣揚古坑咖啡品質可分為四個向度：歷史文化、技術、品種、風土條件，我們也藉此發現媒體作為品質文化建構中介者的重要角色。若更細緻分析，不同行動者有其相應的品質建構策略，咖啡廳業者透過高價位訂定、與特定農民長期合作、烹煮技術展演等方式。農會與合作社則仰賴地方品牌代表性、農產認證、商品包裝意象取得信賴，建立與消費者間連結。最後，研究發現每年咖啡評鑑則成為專家知識與地方知識競逐品質論述主導的話語權。(五)本研究建構另類農食運作模式，須從地方、網絡、品質三方面進行。

As alternative food becomes a subject of discussion in both consumerist societies and academic communities in the west, this study also delves into how Cukeng coffee is turned into a kind of alternative food in Taiwan. Goals of this research are as follows: (1) Examine the formation of alternative food in Taiwan through Cukeng coffee. Because the term 'alternative food' derives from the west and therefore cannot be fully applied to the society of Taiwan, a historical perspective is taken to discuss the characteristics of related field experiences here. (2) Identify the workings of the coffee networks in Cukeng and the concepts of 'quality' and 'place,' and map out an alternative food supply system in the end. Having looked into the course of development of agricultural geography, it was decided that political economy and cultural turn would be the main focuses of this research. First, in a historical context, the influence of national policies in various stages on Cukeng's coffee sector was re-examined. As for cultural turn, the exertion of local networks on local industries was reviewed. In this way, both macroscopic and microscopic observations were made. Literature was collected in the beginning for a preliminary picture of the researched field. Information was gathered mainly through interviews and observations, and related actors were chosen as interviewees / the observed subjects. Gradually the core of this research came into being. In the course of information-collecting and paper-writing, confrontations among different groups were avoided; so was excessive exposure of what’s inside the industry, which may result in conflicts of interest. Research results show that (1) As opposed to alternative food in European and North American societies that comes from environmental ethics, social justice and the re-development of rural economy, the alternative food in Taiwan is about local-based mini-capitalism and a product of political, cultural and economic development. (2) In this study, coffee production in Cukeng comes in three stages: planting coffee trees, baking and buying coffee beans, and finally selling coffee. For each production stage, there is a network supporting it. The main actors in the first stage are farmers, whose knowledge is based on environmental evolutions and historical backgrounds at play. The main actors who bake and buy coffee beans are owners of small and medium-sized businesses or groups, such as coffee shops, agricultural associations and co-operatives. Coffee shop owners have very different ways of purchasing coffee beans than their agricultural association and co-operative counterparts. The purchases may be made at green coffee bean review events, when they bake beans for their clients, from farmers who work with them (the harvests may be equally shared by both sides), or when farmers recommend beans to them. In addition, because Cukeng now serves as a main coffee hub in Taiwan for its geographical reputation, coffee shop owners are also willing to purchase green coffee beans from nearby townships. They are inclined to establish long-term collaboration ties with chosen farmers without contracts and exchange industry knowledge during the course. Agricultural associations and co-operatives are a different story. Instant coffee is their much highlighted product, which is mostly based on imported coffee powder than local coffee beans. Unlike coffee shop owners who take quality as priority, agricultural associations and co-operatives only purchase local beans to justify the products as coffee from Cukeng. As for sale, agricultural associations and co-operatives sell their coffee to other parts of the country with help from distributors. Through packaging, branding and acquiring qualifications, they are able to win trust from customers. Coffee shop owners promote their products by allowing access to their coffee farms, explaining why Taiwanese coffee is special and what their qualities are, or displaying their coffee-making skills. Individual farmers emphasize the good “local” taste of their coffee beans to attract interested visitors/clients. This study also delves into the dynamic workings of space in Cukeng’s coffee sector, which has to do with the branding and imaging of Cukeng coffee around the country, local actors exerting their own power and the county government that connects Cukeng and the outside world through coffee festivals. (3) “Place” has always been a much discussed subject in humanistic geography. Not only that different explanations and perspectives are given by different schools, the results of this study also show that the placeness of Cukeng coffee has been jointly constructed by various places and is therefore much about connection and change. Alternative food is also related to a series of battles on monopoly rent. Since it organized the Taiwan International Coffee Festival years ago, the Yunlin County Government has professed Cukeng as the coffee of Taiwan. Coffee businesses within Cukeng have also competed against one another to be the most authentic one since then. When place is taken as a means to establish oneself, it means differently to different types of actors. For the local government, Cukeng is the production origin of Taiwanese coffee. Coffee shop owners see it as a local coffee hub where highly professional knowledge can be exchanged. Small coffee growers see Cukeng as guarantee of authentic flavor. Agricultural associations see it as a manufacturing town where hybrid coffee catering to Taiwanese people’s taste may be made. (4) When it comes to alternative food, “quality” is perceived socially and culturally, rather than scientifically. According to media coverage, the quality of Cukeng coffee is decided by its background history and culture, the technology used to produce it, its variety, and the terroir of its production origin. This also shows that media plays a critical mediatory role in constructing the culture of quality. On a closer look, all of the actors have their own ways to emphasize quality. Coffee shop owners sell coffee at a high price, work with selected farms and hold activities to show off their coffee-making skills. Agricultural associations and co-operatives establish their own brands, qualifications and product design to win trust, favor and bonding from customers. It has also been found that coffee bean review events are where experts and local business owners contend for the right to decide what counts as quality. (5) Finally, to set up an alternative food supply system, place, network and quality must be taken into account.