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| DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
|---|---|---|
| dc.contributor.advisor | 陳明通(Ming-Tong Chen) | |
| dc.contributor.author | Kuo-Cheng Chang | en |
| dc.contributor.author | 張國辰 | zh_TW |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2021-06-07T17:32:48Z | - |
| dc.date.copyright | 2020-07-15 | |
| dc.date.issued | 2020 | |
| dc.date.submitted | 2020-07-09 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/15314 | - |
| dc.description.abstract | 美國國家民主基金會2017年12月首次提出「銳實力」乙詞後,等同正式揭櫫中共正於全球透由政治滲透、經濟誘拉、學術干預、媒體影響、科技竊取、操縱華人等行徑擴權,謀藉此重塑國際及區域秩序,迫使有關利益者展開「自我審查」及「自我設限」,使各國及國際組織按中共期望方向發展,凡不從者,輕者先透由中共外交戰狼以粗鄙辭令恫嚇警告,重者則展開中斷經貿交流、市場禁入、綁架人質及課徵重稅等極限式施壓報復,此種唯我獨尊、獨霸思維起源於中國傳統的「天朝世界觀」,凡對我朝拜、叩頭及聽我號令者就可列土封疆、封王,違者在古代即出兵征討、踏平剿滅、誅滅九族,此與當前中共在西藏、新疆、香港迫害人權之粗暴行徑如出一轍,充分突顯「普天之下莫非王土,率土之濱莫非王臣」的中華史觀,對外則延續此思緒邏輯透由「銳實力」手段對各國展開蹂躪分化,趁機擾亂他國政策運作,單方面遂行僅有利於北京的「強國外交」政治,以恢復習近平心中的大國榮景,再造漢唐盛世。然現今大陸人民在中共長年愛國教育洗腦下,上述思維短期內已難改變,高漲的民粹主義已令世界不敢恭維,造就當前中共與大陸民族主義相互綁架困境,「中共」、「中國」及「中國人民」在北京刻意操作下被劃上等號,然此極為危險,稍控不慎必然將全球捲入生死震盪波瀾,2020年以來在全球蔓延的武漢肺炎疫情正係最佳明證,迄今拆散數十萬個家庭,嚴重威脅人類生存發展,二戰後的全球化模式遭裂解,充分證明中共政權「偷、搶、拐、騙」特性已對當今世界民主自由體制造成莫大威脅,疫後勢必掀起一系列對中共「銳實力」行徑之究責撻伐,我國應把握此機會與國際「民主社群」構建反擊紅色滲透防線,檢視自身法制闕遺、強化公民風險意識、健全國安抗「中」滲透機制,打造一個能夠永續捍衛臺灣民主體制發展的政府團隊,不再應民主政黨輪替而給予中共有可趁之機,並進一步彰顯及貢獻臺灣文化、科技、醫療及公衛能量,俾於國際社會突出有別於中共「銳實力」的臺灣「暖實力」。 | zh_TW |
| dc.description.abstract | 'Sharp power' is a term first used in a publication by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in December 2017 and revealed China’s global expansion attempts through political and academic interference, economic clout, manipulation of media and overseas ethnic Chinese, as well as technology theft. China seeks to reshape the international and regional order and forces stakeholders to carry out 'self-censorship' and 'self-imposed restrictions', propelling countries and international organisations to act in accordance with its expectations. Any action against China would result in it deploying “wolf-warrior diplomacy” by issuing threatening warnings with confrontational language, increasing to the imposition of extreme oppression and retaliation.This can include a halt to economic engagement and trading, a ban on market entry, hostage taking and heavy taxation. This extreme egocentrism and monopolism originated from the traditional Chinese conception of “world order of tian” (the world under Heaven), meaning anyone who worships, obeys, and serves the orders of the ‘son of heaven’ would be given lands and titles. Otherwise, disobedience could induce a punitive expedition and 'nine familial exterminations' (in ancient China). This concept perfectly elucidates China’s brutal persecution and human rights violation sin Tibet, Xinjiang and Hong Kong. In addition, China’s current practice fully realizes the historic Chinese concept of 'Everything is the king's business [and should be a responsibility shared by all], yet I alone labor here virtuously” and has extended this notion by deploying “sharp power” to other countries, inciting disturbance and separation and taking advantage of chaos to intervene in other countries policies and operations. China plays a “major power diplomacy” that is unilaterally conducive to Beijing in attempting to realise Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” of recapturing the glory of the prosperous Han and Tang dynasty. However, mainland Chinese have been brainwashed by the long-term patriotic education of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and their mindset of being the “son of heaven”is unlikely to change in the near future. Countries around the world tend to give China a wide berth because the dramatic rise of populism among its people and China is caught in a dilemma between communism and populism. Under Beijing's manipulationan equivalence has been drawn between “CCP”, “China”and 'the Chinese people'; potentially leading to extremely dangerous scenarios which may trigger life-threatening danger and global turbulence. The best example is the COVID-19 pandemic which has spread globally, causing hundreds of thousands of deaths and threatening human survival as well as development. Globalization occurring after World War II has collapsed, which evidently proves the characteristics of the CCP regime — 'embezzlement, robbery, abduction, and deception”—has posed a great threat to the world’s liberal democratic system. A wave of demanding for accountability of China’s 'sharp power' will be seen after the pandemic. Taiwan should seize the opportunity to build a defence line against communist penetration with the international 'democratic community', review its legal system, enhance its people's awareness of risks and strengthen the national security mechanism on counter Chinese infiltration. Taiwan should form a strong government team to sustain and defend the development of its democratic system and diminish any opportunities for China to take advantage of Taiwan’s political transition. Furthermore, Taiwan should contribute its cultural, technological, medical and healthcare capacity to the international community while demonstrating its 'warm power' is vastly different from China’s 'sharp power'. | en |
| dc.description.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2021-06-07T17:32:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 U0001-0607202009590900.pdf: 2880443 bytes, checksum: 54a8921b9626a549b31391a5f1f3f47e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2020 | en |
| dc.description.tableofcontents | 第一章 緒 論 1 第一節 研究動機與目的 2 壹、研究動機 2 貳、研究目的 4 第二節 概念介紹暨文獻探討 8 壹、概念介紹 8 貳、文獻探討 10 第三節 研究途徑與方法 21 壹、研究途徑 21 貳、研究方法 23 第四節 研究範圍與限制 26 壹、研究範圍 26 貳、研究限制 27 第五節 研究架構與章節安排說明 29 第二章 中共施展「銳實力」之意圖與目標 34 第一節 對內鞏固執政合法性 34 壹、全力消弭外部對中共之批判 34 貳、國際社會日益認清中共政權獨裁本質 37 第二節 凝聚全球華人對中共領導之認同 40 壹、習近平以「中國夢」對全球華人展開號召 40 貳、對內透過「漢化」及洗腦教育強化「國家認同」 41 參、對外施以統戰獲取「民族認同」 43 第三節 擴大國際及區域話語權 46 壹、印太地區首當其衝 46 貳、中共長臂伸向聯合國等國際組織 48 第四節 輸出中共威權及治理模式 51 壹、中共洋溢治理自信 51 貳、對民主自由世界構成重大威脅 54 第三章 中共在全球運用「銳實力」之案例 57 第一節 歐洲地區 57 壹、西歐、南歐 57 貳、中歐、北歐、東歐 68 第二節 美洲地區 78 壹、美國 78 貳、加拿大 91 第三節 南太地區 99 壹、澳大利亞 99 貳、紐西蘭 107 第四節 亞太地區 112 壹、香港 112 貳、新加坡 120 參、臺灣 121 第五節 小結 133 壹、中共「銳實力」正將各類可用籌碼與工具武器化 133 貳、中共藉海外華人組織及孔院遂行「銳實力」工作 135 參、各國面對中共「銳實力」缺乏合作 138 第四章 各界發出警訊及反制要況 141 第一節 美國 141 壹、杜絕經濟間諜與科技竊密 141 貳、嚴禁假藉孔子之名干預學術自由 144 參、警告各國勿陷入「債務陷阱」 146 肆、阻斷對美各界進行「大外宣」 148 第二節 澳大利亞及紐西蘭 150 壹、立法嚴防政治滲透及間諜活動 150 貳、加大對陸企及陸資監管力道 152 參、制衡中共於南太地區擴張影響力 154 第三節 其他國家 156 壹、警惕中共間諜活動 156 貳、拒絕做為中共附庸國 157 參、警覺中共科技竊密 159 肆、揭穿中共偽善真面目 161 第四節 小結 163 第五章 結論 165 第一節 研究心得與發現 165 壹、中共「銳實力」旨在重塑國際秩序 確保一黨專政 165 貳、美國將中共定位為自由世界威脅 167 參、歐洲警惕中共「銳實力」並重新檢視雙邊關係 169 肆、全球華人因中共政權及病毒遭歧視 171 第二節 我國可參考借鏡之作為 174 壹、善加利用國會能量 開闢反「中」議題戰場 174 貳、反擊中共假資訊 避免陷入「認知作戰」陷阱 174 參、與大陸經濟脫鉤 切斷中共「銳實力」資金來源 177 第三節 未來展望及後續研究建議 180 壹、擴大揭露中共「歐威爾式胡言亂語」 180 貳、與美等志同道合國家防堵中共擴增國際影響力 181 參、利用美國反「中」氛圍 強化臺美關係 184 肆、全球化時代邁向終結 臺灣須重新思考戰略定位 186 參考文獻 189 壹、中文 189 貳、外文 226 | |
| dc.language.iso | zh-TW | |
| dc.subject | 自我審查 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 自我設限 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 銳實力 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 外交戰狼 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 暖實力 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | 天朝世界觀 | zh_TW |
| dc.subject | warm power | en |
| dc.subject | wolf-warrior diplomacy | en |
| dc.subject | self-limitation | en |
| dc.subject | self-censorship | en |
| dc.subject | world outlook | en |
| dc.subject | sharp power | en |
| dc.title | 中共在全球施展「銳實力」動機及作法之研究 | zh_TW |
| dc.title | Study on China's Motives and Methods for Global Projection of “Sharp Power” | en |
| dc.type | Thesis | |
| dc.date.schoolyear | 108-2 | |
| dc.description.degree | 碩士 | |
| dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | 邱垂正(CHUI-CHENG CHIU),董立文(LI-WEN DONG) | |
| dc.subject.keyword | 銳實力,天朝世界觀,自我審查,自我設限,外交戰狼,暖實力, | zh_TW |
| dc.subject.keyword | sharp power,world outlook,self-censorship,self-limitation,wolf-warrior diplomacy,warm power, | en |
| dc.relation.page | 236 | |
| dc.identifier.doi | 10.6342/NTU202001332 | |
| dc.rights.note | 未授權 | |
| dc.date.accepted | 2020-07-09 | |
| dc.contributor.author-college | 社會科學院 | zh_TW |
| dc.contributor.author-dept | 國家發展研究所 | zh_TW |
| 顯示於系所單位: | 國家發展研究所 | |
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