http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/9 2026-03-09T08:50:23Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/10412 標題: 黃河與長江之間――周代南陽盆地的政治支配與物質文化; Between the Yellow and Yangzi Rivers:Political Domination and Material Culture in the Nanyang Basin during the Zhou Dynasty 作者: Hsiu-Ping Li; 李修平 摘要: 位於黃河與長江之間的南陽盆地，自新石器時代起，便是溝通中國北方黃河流域與南方長江流域最重要的交通通道。然而，在考古學以「文化核心」與歷史學以「政治核心」為論述架構的典範下，長期以來，以南陽盆地為主體的研究受到學界忽視。換言之，在不同考古學文化的論述中，諸如仰韶文化、屈家嶺文化、周文化、楚文化，以及在不同國別史的研究裡，諸如西周史、楚國史、秦國史，或顯或隱，或多或少，都可以見到南陽盆地的身影。但是，由於南陽盆地是南北雙邊典型考古學文化與政治集團的「中間地帶」，因此在上述的研究中，南陽盆地的物質文化與歷史發展，總是被考古學與歷史學一再切割，而我們對南陽盆地的認識，也始終見樹不見林。必須指出的是，夾在黃河與長江之間的南陽盆地，其實自新石器時代起，就已經發展出又南又北且獨樹一幟的歷史面貌。當地的歷史發展，自有其內在理路。因此，本研究的首要目的，便是利用考古材料與傳世文獻，建構南陽盆地自新石器時代至戰國時期的區域發展史。 其次，根據傳世文獻記載，進入周代以後，南陽盆地先後歷經周王朝、楚國與秦國的統治，而中國大陸的考古學者，往往依此架構，將南陽盆地周代的考古學文化，先後區分為周文化、楚文化與秦文化三大階段。這種以「朝代」或「國別」為考古學文化命名的方式，預設具有相同「歷史背景」的人群，必定使用相同的「物質文化」。特定區域上層統治集團的更迭，可以是一朝一夕的事，但特定區域物質文化的演變，卻往往必須歷經數十年甚至數百年的光陰。因此，筆者認為，雖然以「朝代」或「國別」為考古學文化命名有其合理性與便利性，但政治支配是否真的與物質文化的變化緊密相連，仍有進一步討論的空間。南陽盆地恰好位於北方周朝、南方楚國與西方秦國的「中間地帶」，先後更歷經這三大政治集團的支配，是故，這個地區正是檢驗政治支配與物質文化互動關係的最佳場域。; Nanyang Basin, between the Yellow and Yangzi Rivers, is the most important transportation channel to communicate the northern and southern China since the Neolithic Age. In spite of being geographically significant, this region were seldom dealt with by historians and archaeologists. The key factor is that Nanyang Basin is neither political center nor cultural center. In fact, we can find different kinds of historical researches and archaeological excavations related to Nanyang Basin. However, being the middle area of political groups and archaeological cultures in the ancient China, Nanyang Basin’s historical development and material culture are fragmentary in the scope of our knowledge. What must point out is that Nanyang Basin has had its own particular history since the Neolithic Age. Therefore, the first aim of this dissertation is to construct regional history of Nanyang Basin from the Neolithic Age to Warring States Period based on historical narratives and archaeological evidences. Secondly, according to historical texts, the political entities of Zhou, Chu and Qin had ruled Nanyang Basin in succession during Zhou Dynasty, so archaeologists sort the archaeological culture into three periods: the cultures of Zhou, Chu and Qin. Calling archaeological culture after dynasty or political entities presumes that people who have the same historical background share the same material culture. This area was within the sphere of influence of different political entities, but it would be a highly sophisticated question about delimiting a boundary of material culture, which is developed gradually over a relatively long time. Consequently, the relation between political domination and material culture is still an ambiguous issue. Nanyang Basin, the middle area among the northern Zhou, southern Chu and western Qin, provides us radical rethinking of the interaction between the political domination and material culture. 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/66809 標題: 鴉片戰爭前後中葡在澳門的關係; Sino-Portuguese Relations in Macau during First Opium War 作者: PONG CHI HOU; 龐志豪 摘要: 中葡關係發展鮮有作為中國近代史的重要脈絡而被注視，但中葡關係與中國近代史的論述模式卻是如出一轍—兩者均在現代化史觀以及革命史觀的主導下，描繪中國在西方壓力下「被進步」的過程。在中國近代史範式屢遭批判的語境下，本文嘗試尋找中葡關係中的傳統因素，並反思這些傳統因素在「近代」的時空中如何抵抗西方的壓力。本文除了使用既有的中文文獻外，還著重引用傳教士以及澳葡當局流傳下來的葡文文獻，強調中葡關係中的葡萄牙因素，有助我們對中葡關係的發展有更全面的瞭解，以及提供反思中國近代史論述的另一個出發點。本文除了緒論以及結論，正文共有兩章。首先，本文會梳理清初至清中葉中葡關係的三條發展主線，指出粵澳地方交往構成了中葡傳統關係的主調；其後，本文則以鴉片戰爭作為考察主軸，指出無論是在中英衝突以及香港開埠的挑戰中，澳葡當局乃至里斯本當局均無意立即改變傳統的中葡關係模式。 本文的研究，除了對中國近代史僅以傳統朝貢以及現代條約的二元論述角度提出質疑外，更強調即使在「近代」諸多西方的施壓下，中外關係的發展仍存在著頑強的傳統因素。這些因素不僅存在於「中」，也存在於「外」，澳葡當局的表現正是其中的表表者。本文秉持著上述的論點，回顧並重新審視既有的「中國近代史式」內涵，冀望中葡關係乃至中國近代史能有更全面、更能平衡中外雙方乃至多方的研究論述。; Sino-Portuguese Relations are seldom concerned as the essential part of Modern Chinese History. However, the discourse mode of Sino-Portuguese Relations studies is extremely similar to Modern Chinese History—both of two describe China “was progressed” under the West pressure in view of the dominance of Modernization Concept and Revolution Concept. Nowadays, since the paradigm of Modern Chinese History is criticized frequently, this thesis is trying to find out the traditional factors in Sino-Portuguese Relations, and rethink how these traditional factors resisted the West pressure at the time of “Modern China”. In addition to the usage of the existing Chinese literature, this thesis focuses on the Portuguese literature from missionaries and Macau Portuguese Authority for the emphasis of Portuguese factors in Sino-Portuguese Relations. First of all, this thesis traces three main lines of Sino-Portuguese Relations from early to middle Qing Dynasty, for pointing out that the Canton-Macau relationship constructed the main part of traditional Sino-Portuguese Relations. Afterwards, this thesis concerns the period of First Opium War and points out that both of Macau Portuguese Authority and Lisbon Authority did not intend to change the mode of traditional Sino-Portuguese Relations immediately no matter facing the Sino-British conflict or the challenge of Hong-Kong. Besides the doubt of binary discourse between traditional tribute and modern treaty in Modern Chinese History, this thesis emphasizes that the development of Sino-foreign relations contains many tenacious traditional factors even in front of the “Modern” West pressure. These traditional factors not only exist in China but also in foreign. The responses of Macau Portuguese Authority are the typical evidence. Therefore, this thesis hopes to rethink content of Modern Chinese History, and construct a more comprehensive Sino-Portuguese Relations. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/40926 標題: 魏晉南北朝的河東裴氏：政治活動及其跨地域發展; The He-Dong Pei Families of the Wei, Jin & Northern and Southern Dynasties (220-589 A.D.): A Case Study of Political Actions and Cross-Regions Developments of Chinese Medieval Aristocracy 作者: Zong-Yue Lin; 林宗閱 摘要: 河東裴氏是一支興起於漢魏之際，並綿延發展至唐代的士族，其活躍的時間約歷七百餘年之久，大致與中國中古士族社會自形成至衰微的歷史過程相始終，可知河東裴氏乃中國中古士族的其中一個典型代表，其發展歷程具有指標性意義。 　　本文首章為序論，第二章首先從傳世文獻及碑刻的記載切入，對河東裴氏的源起進行探討，第三章、第四章則針對漢魏西晉時期的河東裴氏進行了深入的考論與分析。透過對裴氏人物官歷、人際往來及姻婭關係的仔細考辨，可知河東裴氏在曹魏時期的興起，關鍵在於當時裴潛父子與司馬懿家族的頻繁往來，其密切的關係使裴潛的子孫在曹魏後期的激烈政爭中倖存，並且迅速重振其地位。西晉開國後，河東裴氏人物遍仕於朝，並與八王之亂中的要角東海王司馬越構成政治、婚姻上的緊密結合。這是河東裴氏大盛於魏晉時期的主要因素。 　　在兩晉之際的大亂中，河東裴氏受到嚴重打擊，在當時局勢中的重要性急遽衰落。不過，由於四散至各地的裴氏人物均在亂局中順利存活下來，河東裴氏才得以保留其血脈，但在兩晉大亂之後的三百餘年當中，河東裴氏未能找回其於魏晉時期那種政治、社會地位均盛的風光；本文第五章便是針對這段期間裴氏如何在各地域尋求發展的問題進行研究，從中觀察至隋唐時期又趨興盛的河東裴氏，在東晉南北朝的三百餘年當中，如何發展以延續其氏族的整體活力。值得深思的是：被唐人目為「關中郡姓」的河東裴氏，之所以能在隋唐之際迅速提升其政治、社會地位，其中的關鍵人物竟非那些加入關隴集團的裴氏成員，反而是裴矩、裴蘊等在發展歸屬上較為邊緣化、但在政壇活躍的裴氏人物。由此可見個人的力量對整個氏族發展方面的影響力，實也不容小覷，也可看出在士族族中個人人際網絡與際遇的重要性。 　　從河東裴氏在南北朝時期於各地域的多元發展歷程，可看到單一士族所可能具有的多種面貌。南北朝時期的河東裴氏各支系，其活動形態或近於「寄生官僚」，或較具地方鄉里的「名望家」特色，由此可知一支被稱為「士族」的「氏族」，在其所繫領的郡望之下，其實有著種種存在形態與組成內涵各異的多元類型，不同類型的支系對於該士族整體的影響也是各有異同的。 　　值得注意的是：由河東裴氏的例子來看，不論是「寄生官僚」或是「名望家」，這兩種對於士族屬性的定義，或者說是士族在維持其存續發展時所採取的姿態，它們彼此之間未必是零和關係，對於一支士族的興盛與否，也沒有必然的影響。在地域化或中央化等長期發展的歷史過程中，「寄生官僚」與「名望家」的屬性與特徵，必然會重複並反覆地出現在同一支裴氏家族身上。由河東裴氏的具體個案研究，可看到學界既有理論本身的參照例證，也可看到理論本身的侷限性。; The He-dong Pei families belonged to Chinese medieval aristocracy, rising in the period between the Eastern Han and Wei Dynasties, continuing their development to the T’ang. The evolution and glory of the He-dong Peis lasted about seven hundred years, approximately equal to the whole historical process of Chinese medieval aristocracy from rise to collapse. Accordingly, we can regard the He-dong Peis as an indicative representation of Chinese medieval aristocracy. 　　The first chapter of this thesis is the introduction. Following is the second chapter, tracing the He-dong Peis’ origins by analyzing the annals including the Chinese official historiography, historical literature, and the records on tablets. Meanwhile, the third and fourth chapters explore the He-dong Peis of the Eastern Han, Wei and Western Jin Dynasties in depth. Through the accurately dissecting toward the background, official experience, interpersonal relations, and connections based on intermarriage of the He-dong Peis, we can realize that the most important factor of the Peis’ rising in the Cao Wei Dynasty is the close association between the two families of Pei Qian（裴潛）and Sima Yi（司馬懿）. Pei Qian’s descendants could survived the bloody political conflict in the later ages of Cao Wei because of their intimate relationship with the Simas, moreover, the Peis rapidly reconstructed their political status. In the Western Jin, many of the Peis secured high-class official positions, and constituted tight combinations on politics and intermarriage with Sima Yue, the Prince of Dong-hai, who was one of the main political and military leaders in War of the Eight Princes（八王之亂）. What mentioned above was the mainspring of the He-dong Peis’ flourishing in the Wei and Western Jin Dynasties. 　　During the chaos between the Western and Eastern Jin, the He-dong Peis encountered severe buffets, losing their influence fast. However, the He-dong Peis could still keep their blood, for several members of the Peis moving to the regions successfully survived; nevertheless, in the following three hundred years the Peis couldn’t retrieve the spectacular glory and nobility their ancestors of Wei and Western Jin Dynasties possessed. The fifth chapter of this thesis concentrates on how the plural Pei families migrated and developed in several different regions, analyzing how the He-dong Peis, who revived in the Sui and T’ang Dynasties, went on evolving to maintain the strength of the whole Pei clan. It’s considerable that the He-dong Peis, who were regarded as one of the local leading clans of Guanzhong（關中）during the T’ang Dynasty, promoted their political and social status both substantially and rapidly between the Sui and T’ang Dynasties, and the most influential men contributing to the above-mentioned prosperity weren’t those members of the Peis joining the Group of Guan-Long（關隴集團）but the ones who were active in politics with rather marginal background, like Pei Ju（裴矩）and Pei Yun（裴蘊）. Judging from these stated above, it was apparent that the prospects of one clan, which was a member of Chinese medieval aristocracy, were deeply influenced by the actions of the individual members as well, and the importance of both the interpersonal relations and personal experiences of the individual members of that clan was obvious and clear. 　　It showed several types one single clan of Chinese medieval aristocracy might be with the multiple developments of the He-dong Pei families during the Southern and Northern Dynasties in various regions. In this period, Some branches of the Pei families seemed to be the “parasitic bureaucracy”（寄生官僚）, and the others seemed to be the “local leaders with charisma and prestige”（名望家）much more. According to the facts, we can realize that one clan which was considered a member of Chinese medieval aristocracy contained kinds of existence shapes composed of different contents and conditions. Furthermore, each branch also had different effects on the whole clan. 　　Through the case of the He-dong Peis, we could realize that the two ideas “parasitic bureaucracy” and “local leaders with charisma and prestige” were not only the definitions of the character of Chinese medieval aristocracy, but also the attitudes taken by the members of Chinese medieval aristocracy to keep their existence and development; there was no zero-sum relationship between the two ideas, which also had no consequential influence on the rising and declining of the members of Chinese medieval aristocracy. In the long-term historical process of regionalization or centralization, the internals and characters of the two ideas mentioned above should come to each branch of the Pei families repeatedly. We can see some historical actions of the Peis in the concrete case study of the He-dong Pei families proving these previous theories, but we can also perceive the limitations of these theories through this case study. 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/10460 標題: 魏晉南北朝的公主政治; The Politics of Princesses in Early Medieval China 作者: Chih-Yen Huang; 黃旨彥 摘要: 本論文所謂「公主政治」，即指環繞公主而生的各種政治生態所表露的權力關係。主要說明漢唐之間的公主，因為獲得制度與文化兩方面的支持，因此才擁有權力運作的空間，使得中古時期公主預政的現象數見不鮮。 本論文第二章〈皇王託體：公主身分的建構與其家族認同〉，一方面從貫時性的視角來界定享有公主名號的研究對象；另一方面則企圖利用服喪禮議及朝臣時論，來檢視公主的身分性質與社會定位。第三章〈湯沐之資：漢晉南北朝公主的經濟基礎〉，則分別利用銘文及簡牘來理解漢家公主與湯沐邑之間的關係；也透過追索「水碓」及「邸舍」的相關記載，還原魏晉南北朝公主參與莊園經濟的實態，以為接下來的政治表現張本。第四章〈上附金枝：魏晉南北朝的尚主政治〉，藉由將主婿分類列表的方式，觀察兩晉南北朝不同的政治情勢，如何影響主婿的選尚及仕宦，探討以公主為媒介所建立的政治關係。第五章〈出入宮掖：公主預政的空間與權力基礎〉，則引入空間分析的概念，分別探索公主以戚屬或正式女官的身分，在公主第或內廷後殿中預政的行為及權力基礎。 本論文希望能結合政治史、制度史及家庭史，書寫一段以女性為中心的政治文化史。從中可知，制度不但賦予公主政治活動的空間，也讓她們能有豐富的資本為後盾。同時在家天下的政治格局中，家事與國事很難截然二分，宗室身為皇家成員，又背負了雙重的政治責任。公主也以家事的名義，擴展她所能置喙的事務，從而名正言順地在家國界線模糊的領域內參與政治，在實質上發揮所謂「情兼家國」的效果。然而正因為公主預政是基於家庭倫理與家居情感而生，所以很難超脫父系家族倫理的限制，只能利用制度及文化所提供的非正式權力，游走於文化結構的間隙之間。可見魏晉南北朝時期，在儒家規範尚未取得宰制地位的情況下，種族、階級與地域等種種複雜的因素，更形強化性別與階級之間，互相制衡與緊張的狀況。; This thesis aims to demonstrate and analyze the interwoven aspects in reference to the politics of Princesses. The concept of “The politics of Princesses” in this thesis refers to the power status surrounding the Princesses in various political circumstances. These recurrent interventions of Princesses in political affairs were based on the premises originated from imperial institutions as well as cultural concepts. Chapter One represents as an introduction, covering the estimation of precedent research works and methodological concerns of the thesis. Chapter Two firstly defines the title of “Princess” (Gong-zhu 公主) from a diachronic study. Secondly, it evaluates the identity and social role of a Princess by looking into the mourning rituals and regarding disputes made by government officials at the time. Chapter Three is regarded the economical resource of Princesses from Han to Tang. It elucidates the correspondence between Princesses and their fiefs in Han Dynasty by reading bronze inscriptions and bamboo strips. Then, implying from records about hydraulic pestles (Shui-dui 水碓) and pawnshops (Di-she 邸舍) , this study constructs the history of Princesses being involved in the manorial system in Early Medieval China. The above are all crucial elements to understand the political status of Princesses in that time. The forth chapter discusses how Princesses, as a media, influenced the political situation during Early Medieval China by comparing the selection of consorts and the following development of their political careers in tables. With the concept of space, Chapter Five focuses on Princesses’ behaviors and given authorities in their residences or in imperial courts. And it examines that how they wielded their power to intercede with the authorities as imperial relatives or female officials respectively. The final chapter serves as a conclusion which contributes to fuller comprehension of the system about Princesses in Early Medieval China. It also reiterates that the Princesses who interfered in political affairs were not isolated phenomena, but a series of successive status quo in that time. The thesis intends to illustrate a political and cultural “herstory” by combining the perspective of political, institutional and family history. It appears that the imperial system provided not only the room for political activities, but also the economic resources to the Princesses. Under the imperial political system, there was a blurring line between domestic business and state affairs. Therefore, Princesses could encroach on issues on the obscure demarcation between family and state, as well as take the responsibilities for their family and state in reality like their male imperial members did. Resorting support to familial bonds is like a double-edged sword. It is true that the power which Princesses possessed was offered by the imperial institutions and was rather culturally recognized. However, they could only flounder in the cultural framework because it was hard to go beyond the patriarchal limitations. With the cases of Princesses, this study concludes that when Confucianism not spreading, the sophisticated factors composed of ethnicities, classes and regions in Early Medieval China formed the system of check and balance between gender and class. 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z