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    <dc:date>2026-04-14T04:53:23Z</dc:date>
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    <title>黨派、勝選幅度和選區特性對議員關注選區問題的影響：以苗栗縣議會為例</title>
    <link>http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/93537</link>
    <description>標題: 黨派、勝選幅度和選區特性對議員關注選區問題的影響：以苗栗縣議會為例; The Impact of Political Parties and Factions, Reelection Magnitude, and Constituency Characteristics on Counci-lors’ Focus to Constituency Issues: A Case Study of the Miaoli County Council
作者: 鄭庭瑜; Ting-Yu Zheng
摘要: 議員的選區關注一直是學者探討議員代表行為的重要領域，其中議員的質詢問題被視作回應選民需求的方式之一（Martin, 2011b；Russo, 2011；Russo, 2021）。因此，本文以兩屆苗栗縣議會（2014~2022）的議員在口頭總質詢提出的選區問題進行個案分析，探討黨派身分、議員個人勝選幅度及選區特性，對議員於質詢中提出選區問題數量及質詢問題類型的影響。&#xD;
在研究方法上，首先將議員的口頭總質詢內容按語幹區分成不同的質詢問題，再依據Martin（2011b）的編碼規則進行選區問題編碼，後再以Maricut-Akbik（2021）及徐俊明等人（2024）的質詢框架將選區問題分為四類質詢類型，依序為要求資訊、要求解釋、要求改變以及譴責威脅。 &#xD;
研究結果顯示，兩屆議會的議員在提出選區問題的數量和質詢類型方面存在差異。在第十八屆議會中，反對黨議員提出的選區問題數量顯著少於執政黨議員。然而，在第十九屆議會中，並未發現政黨身分對議員提出選區問題的行為有顯著影響，反而是派系在多數模型中對議員的選區關注產生影響。&#xD;
在勝選幅度方面，統計結果顯示當勝選幅度超過某個閾值時，第十八屆議員提出的要求解釋選區問題以及第十九屆議員提出的要求改變選區問題會隨之增加。另外，納入連任議員的統計分析結果顯示，當議員的勝選幅度較前一屆提高時，議員會提出更多有關選區的問題，展現其對選區的關注。&#xD;
最後，在選區特性方面，兩屆議會的研究結果均顯示，來自鄉村選區的議員或議員的選區農業人口占比越高時，議員提出的選區問題數量和要求解釋及要求改變的選區質詢問題也會增加。; Councilors’ constituency focus has been an important area of scholarly exploration regarding their representative behavior. Among these behaviors, councilors’ parliamentary questions are seen as a way to respond to constituents' needs (Martin, 2011b; Russo, 2011; Russo, 2021). Therefore, this study conducts a case analysis of constituency questions raised during oral questions by Miaoli County councilors over two terms (2014-2022). It examines how political parties and factions, reelection magnitude, and constituency characteristics influence the number and types of constituency questions.&#xD;
In terms of research methodology, the content of oral questions was first divided into different questions based on their stems. Then, following Martin (2011b) coding rules, the questions were coded as constituency questions. Next, using the question framework of Maricut-Akbik (2021) and Chun-Ming Tsui et al. (2024), the constituency questions were categorized into four types: requesting information, requesting explanations, requesting changes, and condemning threats.&#xD;
The results show differences in the number and types of constituency questions raised by councilors over the two council terms. In the 18th council, opposition party councilors asked significantly fewer constituency questions than ruling party councilors. However, in the 19th council, parties did not significantly influence the behavior of councilors in raising constituency questions. Instead, factions influenced constituency focus in most models.&#xD;
Regarding reelection magnitude, the statistical results show that when the reelection magnitude exceeds a certain threshold, the number of constituency questions requesting explanations by the 18th councilors and questions requesting changes by the 19th councilors increases. Additionally, the statistical analysis that includes reelected councilors shows that when a councilor's reelection magnitude improves compared to the previous term, they tend to raise more constituency questions, demonstrating their increased focus on constituency concerns.&#xD;
Finally, regarding constituency characteristics, the results for both councils indicated that councilors from rural constituencies or constituencies with a higher proportion of agricultural populations asked more constituency questions and made more requests for explanations and changes.</description>
    <dc:date>2024-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/83180">
    <title>高齡志工與活躍老化: 以社區照顧關懷據點為觀察場域</title>
    <link>http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/83180</link>
    <description>標題: 高齡志工與活躍老化: 以社區照顧關懷據點為觀察場域; Elderly Volunteer and Active Ageing: Cases in Community Care Stations
作者: 余佳諾; Chia-Nuo Yu
摘要: 　　我國65歲以上高齡人口佔總人口比例已於2018年突破14%進入高齡社會，並預計於2025年突破20%成為超高齡社會。針對社會中八成以上的健康、亞健康高齡者，我國提出以高齡社會全照顧系統因應，透過健康促進、提升社會參與及終身學習來達成使其健康老化、活躍老化的政策目標，〈建立社區照顧關懷據點實施計畫〉因應而生。
　　社區照顧關懷據點透過餐食服務與健康促進活動來促進其身體健康、獲取健康新知、並擴展高齡者的社會網絡，其中大量使用高齡志工人力的據點本質更符合了世界衛生組織提出活躍老化概念中所推廣積極的志願服務參與。據點內具備志工身份的高齡者在活躍老化程度的感受上是否優於一般據點使用者為本論文之核心研究問題。
　　本文透過問卷調查法調查共102位高齡者，其中17位同時具有志工身份。透過t檢定、單因子變異數分析與次序羅吉斯迴歸模型檢定高齡參與者人口學特質、參與頻率與是否具備志工身份對其活躍老化程度是否帶來不同的影響。
　　研究結果發現，性別、年齡、教育程度、獨居與否和自覺經濟狀況在參與據點後的感受並無顯著差異。隨著參與據點年數的提升，高齡者對在據點中感受社會網絡擴展的強度越高；參加健康促進活動頻率越高的高齡者，認為自己能獨立完成更多事、有目標且將據點視為可表現的空間，達顯著差異，但在共餐的使用上則偏向有使用就有較佳的感受。
　　最後，擔任志工在活躍老化的感受上則全面性地比一般使用者來得更好，顯示在據點內擔任志工有助於高齡者的活躍老化。唯研究同時發現高齡志工在服務年資、服務時數上有其上限，服務年資小於3年、週服務時數小於6小時的高齡者為感受最佳的一群，其次為服務年資超過3年、週服務時數大於6小時，最後則為一般參與者。對此，本文認為在推廣據點內高齡志工參與時，廣招高齡志工會更能同時照顧到高齡者和關懷據點的服務提供——高齡者能利用適當的志願服務時數提升其活躍老化感受，關懷據點能則透過廣招不同類型的志工來多樣化服務及課程的內容。; The proportion of the elderly population aged above 65 in Taiwan (R.O.C) has exceeded 14 percent in 2018 and is expected to surpass 20 percent in 2025. In response, the government had proposed an all-inclusive care system of aged society to provide preventive health care service for over 80% of elderly in healthy/sub-healthy condition, which aims to promote their health condition, social participation, and lifelong learning.
Community Care Station is therefore provided to promote health status, gain health information, and expand the social network of the elderly through congregate meal program and health promotion activities. The core research question of this thesis is whether the elderly who participate in volunteering reach a higher level of active ageing status than the general users.
　　This study investigated 102 elderly people through questionnaire, 17 of whom participated in volunteering. T-test, one-way ANOVA and ordered logistic regression were used to examine the effects of demographic variables, frequency of uses of the service and volunteering on active aging.
The results showed that there were no significant differences in gender, age, educational level, living status, and perceived financial status after participating in the Community Care Station program. As the elderly kept participating in the program, they had more social connections to others.  The higher frequency the elderly participated in health promotion activities, the more they felt they could accomplish things independently, had goals and considered the station as a stage where they could make best use of their former experiences and abilities. As the congregate meal program, those who having meals in the station had better feelings than the non-users regardless of the frequency.
Finally, the elderly volunteers’ overall feeling of active aging was better than that of the general users, indicating that volunteering in the station improved the level of the active aging to the elderly. However, the study also found the elderly volunteers had the upper limit of service years and service hours per week. Those with volunteering experiences in stations less than 3 years and work less than 6 hours per week ranked the highest score than those who work more or didn’t participate in volunteering. 
In conclusion, it is suggested that the station can widely recruit the elderly in the station to participate in volunteering work with appropriate volunteering period of time and hours per week. In this way, the elderly can improve their sense of active ageing, and that the stations can recruit different types of volunteers with different life experiences to provide services and activities in diverse ways.</description>
    <dc:date>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/7872">
    <title>高雄市議員地方建設建議事項分配之研究</title>
    <link>http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/7872</link>
    <description>標題: 高雄市議員地方建設建議事項分配之研究; An Empirical Study on the Distribution of Earmark Grants in the City of Kaohsiung.
作者: Wei-Tung Wang; 王瑋彤
摘要: 本文的研究動機源於分配政策理論，該理論意指人們會偏好將利益集中在自身、成本由大眾分攤的政策，而有權力的分配者，例如民選首長、民意代表，會藉由將利益帶回自家選區，以爭取選民的持續支持。分配政策的研究面向甚廣，本文以議員所提地方建設建議事項為研究標的。議員所提地方建設建議事項是縣市議員向縣市政府提案，經行政機關審查、通過後執行之建設，特點是具有地方性、建設範圍較小、且惠及對象較為小眾，非常有利於分配者向選民邀功。本文採個案研究法，以2010年縣市合併後第一屆高雄市議員為研究對象，欲探討高雄市議員於2010年選舉時，各選區內的得票率分布狀況，與選後任內分配建議事項行為之間的相關性。根據過往研究結果，假設議員會傾向分配建議事項到自己上一屆選舉得票率較高的里，意即自己的票倉里；而縣市合併前原高雄縣及原高雄市議員、以及各選區當選得票率最高及最低的議員之間會有不同的分配行為。 &#xD;
    本研究有幾點研究發現：首先，在所有高雄市議員之中，有超過一半的議員傾向回饋較多建議事項到自己的票倉里；再者，縣市合併前原高雄縣的議員，比起原高雄市的議員有更明顯回饋建議事項到自己票倉里的傾向；其三，當選得票率為同選區中最低的議員，多數會明顯回饋建議事項到自己的票倉里；最後，除了地方性的建設，許多議員提案的建議事項是用於補助學校或警察機關。; My research motivation is stemmed from 'distributive policy'. The theory of distributive policy argues that empowered distributors prefer to allocate more resources to specific groups or areas and transfer costs to the whole population in order to maximize their interests. Distributors who own the political power such as mayors or representatives will bring home the bacon to soliciting votes. There is much research specified on distributive policy, and this research focuses on the distribution of earmark grants. The characteristics of earmark grants are local, small-scale, few beneficiaries, and, most importantly, approved by councilors. It seems that councilors can take credit for earmark grants proposal due to those characteristics. I conduct a case study on earmark grants limited in the Kaohsiung City, and try to realize the relationship between the percentage of votes in 2010 council election and the following distributive behavior of the councilors' earmark grants during the term of office. According to previous research, they assume that councilors tend to distribute grants to where they gained high vote support, namely, their electoral bases. In addition, there may be the differences between former Kaohsiung County councilors and former Kaohsiung City councilors, as well as councilors with high and low vote support. &#xD;
    The findings show that: first, over half of the councilors tend to distribute more grants to their own electoral bases. Second, compared to former Kaohsiung City councilors, former Kaohsiung County councilors are more willing to propose grants for their electoral bases. Third, councilors with lowest vote support, compared to others in the same electoral district, were more willing to bring back the grants to their electoral bases. Finally, earmark grants are obviously inclined to be dispensed to schools or police offices.</description>
    <dc:date>2016-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/69230">
    <title>高中課程綱要調整對族群認同與統獨立場之影響</title>
    <link>http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/69230</link>
    <description>標題: 高中課程綱要調整對族群認同與統獨立場之影響; The Effect of Senior High School Curriculum Reform on Ethnic Identity and Unification-Independence Attitude
作者: Tzu-Hao Chen; 陳子豪
摘要: 二戰後中華民國政府治理台灣以來，國文與社會科課程綱要的遞嬗便一直深受國家定位的影響，是以歷次改變皆激起社會軒然大波。不論是支持或是反對課綱微調者，皆是認為課綱調整將可能影響學生對於所屬族群、文化以及制度的認知，影響族群認同。本研究探討「高中課程綱要調整」對「族群認同」及「統獨立場」的中長期影響，應用斷點回歸設計架構分析台灣選舉與民主化調查（TEDS）的訪問調查資料，以出生年度1983年作為分組依據，搭配不同模型檢視使用新、舊高中課綱者在族群認同與統獨態度上是否有所差異，以釐清課程綱要之調整對於兩岸政治態度的影響。研究發現首先係較晚出生者傾向認為自己是臺灣人以及應該獨立，而在族群認同與統獨態度上，方案組與比較組皆無顯著差異。本研究指出傾向獨立與認為自己是台灣人之趨勢與我國教育體系是否鼓吹大中國主義並無直接的因果關係，反而更像是一個連續的時間趨勢，與課程綱要相比，受訪者的生命週期、社會化過程所發揮的影響力可能更為深遠。; Since World War II, the changes in the curriculum guidelines of senior high school have aroused controversies for numerous times because the issue is highly involved with the national status. The supporters and opponents of the curriculum reform both suggest that the reform has to do with the students’ perception towards culture, ethnic group, and institution. And the change of perception will affect their political attitudes, including ethnic identity and unification-independence attitude. This study aims to explore the mid-term and long-term effect of senior high school curriculum reform on ethnic identity and unification-independence attitude. I utilized the regression discontinuity design framework to analyze the data from Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS). By choosing the birth year 1983 as the running variable and applying different statistical models, the differences of these attitudes between new curriculum users and previous curriculum users are examined. The results indicate that firstly, the later respondents were born, the more they tend to regard themselves as Taiwanese and suggest that Taiwan should get independence. Secondly, as for the ethnic identity and unification-independence attitude, the difference between treatment/comparison groups is not statistically significant. To sum up, this study suggests that there is no causal relationship between the tendency towards independence as well as Taiwanese identity and the curriculum reform. The respondents’ life cycle and socialization process may play more an important role in shaping their political attitudes.</description>
    <dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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