類別:http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/132026-03-12T07:04:31Z2026-03-12T07:04:31Z龍門古陽洞研究Ling-Yi Su蘇玲怡http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/390622021-06-13T16:59:59Z2005-01-01T00:00:00Z標題: 龍門古陽洞研究; The Study of the Guyang Cave at Longmen
作者: Ling-Yi Su; 蘇玲怡
摘要: 本論文的主要在研究有關龍門古陽洞的四項重要議題。
首先，是對古陽洞的開鑿情況進行分期和重建，作為後面探討風格、信仰及藝術贊助等諸多問題的基礎。筆者所使用的方法，主要是以紀年明確的造像做為標準品，對於重要但年代有爭議的龕像進行造像風格、裝飾母題、碑刻書風及造像相互關係上的綜合比較，以期能對古陽洞具體的開鑿情況做出清楚的時間定位。
其次，主要處理古陽洞藝術風格源流的問題，將焦點集中在古陽洞藝術萌芽與成形的太和末至景明年間，對此時的造像及裝飾風格進行整體、系統性的研究，深入探討古陽洞與雲岡、南方及河南三個地區藝術傳統的關係，並尋找這些傳統對古陽洞產生影響的時間點，同時探察它們產生的歷史原因。
再者，討論古陽洞的圖像及信仰內涵的問題，首先將透過探討古陽洞主體龕像在配置上的關聯性，以釐清石窟設計的意圖；其次，則是藉由分析古陽洞內的造像題記，與考察窟內各類造像題材的分布情況、圖像特徵、以及造像者身份與祈願內容之間的關係，來瞭解陽洞整體信仰內涵的特性。
最後，則是要探討古陽洞的贊助情況，焦點仍持續關注於古陽洞營建的性質和意圖，期望藉由更緊密地結合供養人題記與歷史文獻，仔細考察古陽洞開鑿初期幾位主要供養人造像的動機、緣由、相關的造像活動以及他們彼此間的關聯性，來重建當時營造古陽洞的歷史現實。
經由本論文的整體研究可知，古陽洞約始鑿於北魏太和十四年（490年）前後，是龍門窟群中最早開鑿的石窟，同時也是當中開鑿時間最長的一窟；從其始鑿至北魏末為止，在將近四十餘年的時間裡，造像活動始終未曾間斷，因此，窟內不僅龕像數量眾多，在造像藝術、信仰及供養贊助情況上也呈現極為複雜的面貌。不過，藉由前面的整體分析，我們可以看出古陽洞的發展，正顯現了從平城佛教藝術轉變為洛陽佛教藝術的脈絡。
首先，在古陽洞開鑿之初的太和年間（約490-499年），我們可以看到，在風格上，以〈比丘慧成龕〉（約490年初）為首的第一期龕像，明顯繼承了雲岡二期窟「西域式」造像及裝飾風格的特點。而在圖像及信仰方面，一方面，此期大龕以造釋迦像為主的情況，與文成帝以來平城佛教重視釋迦信仰的傳統有關；而另一方面，〈尉遲龕〉（495年）等中小型龕所出現的交腳彌勒菩薩像，亦繼承了雲岡彌勒像的圖像特徵。凡此種種都顯示出，在這段期間，平城佛教藝術對古陽洞的影響是比較明顯的。其原因與古陽洞早在490年初就已經開始開鑿有關，此時，北魏尚未遷都洛陽（493-495年），洛陽的佛教藝術仍受國都平城的影響，所以，當比丘慧成以個人皇室的身份主持「為國造石窟」時，採用當時普遍流行於北方各地的雲岡佛教藝術傳統，自是不令人感到意外；此外，繼慧成之後最早進入窟內造像者，如穆亮之妻尉遲氏及元詳，又都是來自於平城，亦加強了平城佛教傳統在古陽洞開窟初期的重要性。
而自太和末年起，隨著北魏遷都洛陽，積極地推行漢化政策，以及對南朝漢文化仰慕心態的加劇，使得古陽洞的佛教藝術發展在南方文化的直接刺激下出現轉變的端倪：一開始，或運用一些流行於南方的造型母題，如〈魏靈藏龕〉（約495年左右）背光上出現的「漢式」天人形象，或擷取部分南朝造的特色，如〈元詳龕〉菩薩頭冠上出現的方折冠繒；但是到了景明末年（503年），古陽洞的造像幾乎全面地採用了流行於南方的平面裝飾性審美好尚，使得原本根植於平城模式之下的古陽洞佛教藝術產生了本質上改變。另外，在圖像及信仰上，這時雖然仍以承襲自雲岡的釋迦和彌勒造像為主，但維摩詰圖像在古陽洞中亦開始流行，出現在龕像的背光上；這很可能與北魏統治階層受到來自南方僧人的影響，特別愛好《維摩詰經》有關。換言之，南朝盛行研讀《維摩頡經》的風潮很可能也對古陽洞維摩文殊圖像的流行有所刺激。
值得注意的是，在景明年以前，雖然可以看到雲岡和南方傳統分別對古陽洞佛教藝術所造成的影響，然而，河南地區本地傳統在古陽洞中的重要性亦不容忽視。事實上，我們可以看到，比丘慧成正是出身於河、洛一帶甚有影響力的貴族家庭，當他在洛陽主持開窟時，很可能即將當地的傳統帶入到古陽洞中。因此，古陽洞太和時期的龕像雖然深受雲岡模式的影響，但〈尉遲龕〉、〈魏靈藏龕〉等龕中以減地浮雕手法來處理背光的裝飾，即是河南本地的漢畫像石傳統的延續；此外，從造像來看，〈比丘慧成龕〉等太和年大龕主尊坐佛的身軀，有一種未見於雲岡及南方的勁瘦緊實作風，也應該是根植於河南本地造像傳統的產物。這種傳統與後來傳入的南方風格在經過相互地交涉與融合之後，形成了古陽洞第三期「正始─神龜年間」（約504-519年）成熟的洛陽佛教藝術風格，亦即身形拉長、蘊藏緊瘦骨感「秀骨清相式」的佛像及菩薩像，與以減地手法雕製精美細緻的背光裝飾的完美結合。
縱觀古陽洞藝術的發展脈絡，太和末年至景明年間可謂最關鍵的時期：此時的古陽洞，在接觸到南朝佛教藝術的刺激後，迅速地脫離北魏平城的影響，吸收來自南朝佛教藝術的精髓，並融合河南本地的傳統，遂得以在第三期孕育出成熟的洛陽佛教藝術，並奠定該窟穩定發展的基礎。
到了第三期時，都城洛陽已成為當時全國的佛教中心，洛陽近郊的龍門更吸引各個階層的人士來此巡禮造像。此時，特別值得注意的是彌勒信仰重要性的提升：一方面，中層的大龕改以交腳彌勒菩薩造像為主，與上層大龕的釋迦像形成「釋迦─彌勒」的配置關係，很可能沿襲了雲岡「過去帝─現在帝」即「釋迦─彌勒」的佛教皇帝觀傳統而來；另一方面，從窟內各類造像的題記普遍都出現有關彌勒信仰願目的現象，亦可窺見當時彌勒崇拜盛行的情況，反映出這時期廣大信眾對彌勒淨土的嚮往。另外，再從開龕造像的性質來分析，為己身及過去、現在親眷祈福造像的比例大量地提高，也輔以說明古陽洞這個比丘慧成最初「為國」、「為皇帝」開鑿的石窟，已經轉變為一般民眾從事私人性供養的重要場所。
不過，在第四期「正光─北魏末年」（520-534年）以後，古陽洞無論是造像風格或圖像信仰上都未有新的突破，造像工事亦漸趨停頓，近四十餘年來的造像活動終於進入了尾聲。
龍門古陽洞位處河南這個南、北文化匯集和交流最頻繁的地區，而其開鑿的期間亦正逢北魏遷都洛陽及推動漢化此一政治、文化上的重大變遷，因此，古陽洞四十餘年來佛教藝術的發展，正可說是對於這段歷史發展的最佳見證。2005-01-01T00:00:00Z黃慎人物畫風研究陳怡亘Yi-Shiuan Chenhttp://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/1001732025-09-24T16:44:22Z2025-01-01T00:00:00Z標題: 黃慎人物畫風研究; A Study Of Huang Shen's Figure Paintings
作者: 陳怡亘; Yi-Shiuan Chen
摘要: 十八世紀揚州繪畫研究歷經數次轉向，從早期聚焦「揚州八怪」畫風之畫風論述，到後來更強調畫家與贊助人之間的互動等強調設社會網絡之研究關懷。近年來，研究不僅注重畫家的流動性及作品的脈絡化分析，也有呼應全球藝術史對區域互動的關注。本文在既有成果基礎上，探討黃慎的觀眾類型與交友網絡，指出贊助群體如何作為風格轉變與市場擴展的中介者。
第二章「黃慎的生平與畫風來源」本文重新檢視其早期創作脈絡，將黃慎標誌性的大幅立軸人物畫風的出現時間向前校正。時間點的前移，意味著該畫風並非源自揚州，而根植於他早年在福建與江西時期的賣畫環境。並指出黃慎在江西賣畫的經歷，使他可能受到八大山人一類的作品影響。第三章「黃慎在揚州與江南的賣畫經歷」黃慎入揚之後的畫風產生變化，他發展出多種畫科的製作能力、繪製新題材與改創古代人物造型。黃慎一方面快速吸收揚州文化，製作蘇軾、四相簪花等流行題材，一方面與鄭燮、李鱓等文人畫家交遊，顯示他融入揚州文藝圈的企圖。第四章「黃慎在江西與福建的賣畫經歷」黃慎晚年作品受到關注較少，但其實返閩後黃慎的畫風又有創新。此階段製作的人物畫卷品質極高，視覺上展現出既提及文本，卻又超越文本內容的內在邏輯。黃慎晚年與福建地方官員來往，得以進入官方的敘事體系，他的晚年也成為建構其歷史形象的關鍵時間點。
本文重新回應「區域畫風」與「贊助群體」兩項議題。透過黃慎個案，可見十八世紀人物畫逐漸擺脫單一區域畫風的理解框架，畫家在跨地域流通與風格選擇中取得較高的能動性，得以更積極地推動風格變化。然而，畫家的主導性並非全無限制，畫家的選擇仍受可獲取之作品素材與當時流行風格等條件所約束，黃慎便是在這些社會及市場的條件下，發展出多樣且具有畫史意義的風格面貌。; Eighteenth-century Yangzhou painting has undergone several historiographical turns: from early style-centered discussions focused on the “Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou” to later approaches that foreground painter–patron interaction and, more broadly, social-network analysis. Recent scholarship further emphasizes artists’ mobility and the contextualization of works, aligning with global art history’s concern with interregional exchange. Building on this literature, this paper examines Huang Shen’s audience types and networks, showing how patron groups mediated stylistic change and facilitated market expansion.
Chapter 2: “Huang Shen’s Life and Sources of Style.” Reconsidering his early creative context, this chapter shifts earlier the emergence of Huang Shen’s hallmark large hanging-scroll figure manner. Huang Shen’s Jiangxi selling experience indicates a likely influence from works associated with Bada Shanren. Chapter 3: “Huang Shen’s Painting-for-Sale Experiences in Yangzhou and Jiangnan.” After moving to Yangzhou, Huang Shen’s style changed: he developed competencies across multiple genres, introduced new themes, and actively reworked ancient figure types. He quickly absorbed Yangzhou culture, producing popular subjects such as Su Shi and the “Four Ministers Wearing Flowers” and associated with literati painters including Zheng Xie and Li Shan, signalling his intent to integrate into the city’s literary-art world. Chapter 4: “Huang Shen’s Painting-for-Sale Experiences in Jiangxi and Fujian.” Although his late works have received relatively little attention, Huang Shen innovated again after returning to Fujian. The figure handscrolls from this phase are of high quality and construct an internal visual logic that both references and surpasses textual accounts. His late-life interactions with Fujian officials enabled his entry into official narratives, making this period pivotal to the construction of his historical image.
Revisiting “regional style” and “patron groups.” Through the case of Huang Shen, the paper argues that eighteenth-century figure painting gradually moved beyond a single regional-style framework. Via cross-regional circulation and deliberate stylistic choice, painters gained greater agency and actively promoted stylistic change. That agency, however, was conditioned by available materials and prevailing styles. Under these social and market conditions, Huang Shen developed a diverse yet recognizable stylistic profile.2025-01-01T00:00:00Z高麗阿彌陀畫研究Jae-yeon Rhie李在娟http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/159182021-06-07T17:55:24Z2012-01-01T00:00:00Z標題: 高麗阿彌陀畫研究; A Study on Amitabha Paintings in Goreyo Dynasty (918-1392)
作者: Jae-yeon Rhie; 李在娟
摘要: 本論文旨在於再評估高麗時期（918－1392）的韓國佛教繪畫，以阿彌陀畫為主，在廣泛的脈絡之下探討從十二至十四世紀東亞佛教繪畫的特色。本論文由三個章節組成，各章節的主題如下：
第一章所處理的重點是「從十二至十四世紀中國與韓國的佛教繪畫風格分析」。現在為人所知在全世界分散收藏的高麗佛畫大約一百五十餘件，但是，筆者透過已出版的各種圖錄和研究資料，所發現的高麗佛畫圖版資料共有一百九十二件，另外還有九條的文獻記錄。
從菊竹淳一教授與鄭於澤教授對於高麗佛畫的研究以來，高麗佛教的風格被認為以兩種基準可以分類：製作年代以及表現方式。根據製作年代歸類成兩種形式：前期的「自然主義樣式」和後期的「形式主義樣式」；並依據表現方式又可分為三種類型：「宮廷樣式」、「寺院樣式」以及「民間樣式」。
然而，照上述的兩種類目，實際上難以明確分類。因為具有題款的高麗佛畫中，最早的作品之製作年代為1286年。並且，現存的所有高麗佛畫都屬於高麗後期之作，又分別前期和後期的基準時間點也十分曖昧。換言之，把所有的高麗佛畫依製作年代先後順序排列是相當不確定的。再加上，極少數的作品才具有題款或相關文獻記錄。因此，筆者認為，許多作品同時呈現出高麗佛畫多樣的特點，而不是每件作品都屬於某一種特定的類型，這樣的考慮似乎比較合理吧。
筆者在本章中，詳細地考察高麗佛畫的諸相，例如，「整幅畫面的構成」、「神位的形象樣貌」、「尊像的身軀比例與姿勢」、「服裝的紋樣」、「裝飾型態」、「背景山水」等。筆者進行龐大的中韓佛畫材料之詳細地風格分析，通過如此歸納式的推論，筆者提出一些高麗佛畫的分類標準，以工筆設色畫為主，筆者將之稱為「典型的高麗風格」。
「典型的高麗風格」可分為兩大類：第一種是在構成方式上，呈現出與宋元時代佛教作品有明顯差異的組合；第二種是在形狀以及精緻的細節描繪技法方面，在高麗佛畫作品上特別常出現的一些特徵。雖然筆者難以斷言何謂在其他地區沒有被發現的正統高麗風格，但筆者試圖描述在如上所述的各類範疇內高麗佛畫所常出現的一些共同特徵。
第二章的重點是對於「中世（十二至十四世紀）東亞三國（中國、韓國、日本）阿彌陀畫的圖像學與圖意學的分析」指出一些解釋。高麗阿彌陀畫過去一直被認為深收敦煌與西夏藝術的影響。筆者也同意多數中韓作品具有相似之處（共同點），因為它們是基於同一的原型被製作的。即便如此，實際的傳世高麗佛畫作品，同時具有許多相異之處（差異點）。多數的高麗佛畫展現出從「臨摹」到「轉變」的脫胎換骨之發展，甚至創造出一些新表現的類型。如此的新表現，不但呈現出高麗人的審美觀以及民族品味，還反映著在高麗地區宗教和文化方面獨特的地方特色。
如此「高麗獨特的表現」方面，日本九州島津家舊藏本〈阿彌陀如來圖〉（圖 2）可稱謂一件卓越的例子。主尊阿彌陀佛似乎在召喚觀者，使他處於臺座，向觀者的右測前進，引導著使他到達目的地（西方淨土）的形貌。因此，對於本圖像的解釋曾被提起種種學說，例如，「阿彌陀佛引導往生者的形象」或「歸來迎」等，並且進一步地指出，該圖像應該與中國或日本的佛教藝術有關聯。但是，如此獨特的姿勢目前在中國或日本阿彌陀類作品中尚未發現，並且在高麗地區內有關「歸來迎」信仰以及東亞佛教中「阿彌陀」信仰與「引路菩薩」信仰之間的關係也仍未確知。因此，筆者把該作品視為一件呈現出「高麗獨特的表現」之〈阿彌陀來迎圖〉。並且，筆者提出如此特別的阿彌陀佛圖像之獨特性，也許與中國或日本的相關作品有別，而反映著高麗人的現世淨土思想之可能性。
此外，筆者再檢討圖像傳播路徑的問題。由於一些阿彌陀佛圖象之間的類似性，絕大多數的前輩學者們推定為當時高麗可能與敦煌、西夏、吐魯番、寧波以及同時代的其他地區有直接地交流。但是，由於除了圖像之外，並沒有任何具體的證據有關兩地的直接交流，因此，筆者提出了異見。筆者認為，高麗畫師可能是基於北宋時期（960－1127）以前所成立的「粉本（稿本）」而製作。
另外，筆者認為社會背景也有必要值得注意考察。過去的研究表明有些高麗阿彌陀畫強烈地表示「宮廷風格」，因為其發願者是當時具有莫大權力的高麗寵臣之一，與高麗王室深有關係，如廉承益。但是，筆者無法完全接受這種觀點。因為，在高麗時期，阿彌陀信仰並不是只被皇室與貴族信奉的，而是超越信徒的社會階級，普及地被高麗社會接受，在全國廣泛流行的宗教。
還有，社會環境問題也值得留意。特別令人注目的是現藏於日本鄰松寺與知恩院的兩件高麗〈觀經十六觀變相圖〉（圖 19、20）作品中出現的「女性形象」之圖像。我們可以推測如此的「女性形象」象徵的意義。實際上，這是表明女性的社會地位，從這一事實可以得出結論，在高麗社會內女性與男性是平等的。因此，筆者認為如此的「女性形象」具有特別重要的意義，就是一種在高麗社會內女性地位的象徵。
在第三章所敘述的是「在高麗地區內阿彌陀信仰的研究」。在統一新羅時期，淨土宗十分盛行，可稱為迎接黃金時代。到了高麗時期，獨立的淨土宗已被消失，但其核心思想被天台宗、禪宗以及華嚴宗所吸收，仍然在高麗社會內持續地流行。阿彌陀信仰是淨土宗的主要思想，所以筆者描述如此的宗教背景也可能與高麗阿彌陀畫的製作有關聯。
總而言之，在這篇論文中，筆者擬探討中世（十二至十四世紀）東亞三國（中國、韓國、日本）佛教作品之間的互動與影響面貌，以高麗阿彌陀畫為主。為了建立「文化多元性」以及在東亞佛教藝術作品中「各別作品的價值」，需要進一步地研究。由於本研究涵蓋的範圍如此廣泛，關於這主題仍有一些尚未解決的內容，不過，筆者希望略盡微薄之力，有助於促進韓國美術史的研究，並期盼高麗佛畫可以吸引全世界學者們以及大眾之更深的關注。; The purpose of this thesis is to re-evaluate the Korean Buddhist paintings of the Goryeo period (918-1392) in a wider context, by examining the characteristics of the East Asian Buddhist Painting in the Twelfth to Fourteenth centuries, focusing on the Amitabha Painting. This thesis is composed of three chapters, and the subjects of each chapter are as follows.
Chapter 1 deals with ‘The Stylistic Analysis of the Chinese and Korean Buddhist paintings in the Twelfth to Fourteenth Centuries’. It has been known that there are approximately 150 Goryeo Buddhist paintings around the world, but the author found out 192 figures and another 9 records from the published catalogs.
Ever since Jun’ichi Kikutake (菊竹淳一) and Woo-thak Chung (鄭于澤) had published their own research work, the style of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings are categorized by two criteria, i.e. production year and the expression ways. According to one criterion based on the years of production, it is classified into early ‘Naturalism style’ and the late ‘Formalism style’. On the other hands, the second criterion is set by the expression ways and according to this criterion it is categorized into three types: ‘Royal court style’, ‘Temple style’ and ‘Folk style’.
However, it is hard to analyze the style of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings definitely in accordance with the categories mentioned above, because the earliest work of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings having an inscription is dated 1286. And since all the existing Goryeo Buddhist paintings have been dated to the late Goryeo Dynasty, the two-step periodization, that is to say former and latter, is also fairly ambiguous. In other words, in case of Goryeo Buddhist paintings listed in chronological order, there exist considerable uncertainties. Furthermore, due to the fact that only a few works have inscriptions or records, it is reasonable to consider that many works represent diverse features of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings at the time instead of confirming a work to belong to certain category.
In this chapter, the ‘Style’ of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings has been considered in various aspects, including ‘The composition of the tableau’; ‘The appearance of the deity’; ‘The body proportions and posture of the sacred image’: ‘The pattern on the clothes; ‘The design of the ornaments’ and ‘The background landscape’ and so on. Through detailed inductive reasoning of the massive Chinese and Korean Buddhist Painting materials, the author proposes the criteria for classification of Goryeo Buddhist Painting, focusing on the elaborate-style color painting, namely, the ‘Typical Goryeo Style’.
The ‘Typical Goryeo Style’ can be divided into two categories: the first is the composition format which combines many significantly different elements from Song and Yuan Buddhist works; the second is some shapes and elaborate descriptions of detailed features which are common in the Goryeo Buddhist paintings. Though it is difficult to assure an orthodox Goryeo Style which is found nowhere else, but I attempted to describe the common features of Goryeo Buddhist Painting in each category as stated above.
Chapter 2 gives an explanation of ‘The Iconographic and Iconological analysis of the Amitabha paintings of the Chinese, Korean and Japanese works produced in the Middle Ages’. The Goryeo Amitabha paintings have been considered to be accepted a strong influence from Dunhuang (敦煌) and Xixia (西夏) art. The author agrees that there are similarities between Chinese and Korean works, because many of them were based on the same prototype. Even so, there are also lots of differences in parallel. Many Goryeo Buddhist paintings had met with an amazing metamorphosis from imitation to transformation, even invented new types of expression. The new-expression is not only indicative of the aesthetic standards and the inclinations of the Goryeo people, but also reflects the unique local features of Goryeo from a religious and also a cultural perspective.
An Amitabha painting formerly in the collection of the Shimazu daimyo family in Satsuma Province, on the Japanese island of Kyushu (fig. 2) is a remarkable example of the ‘Goryeo’s own expression’. The deity appears to beckon the viewer, presumably guiding a viewer believing rebirth to a pedestal that seems to lead viewers toward a destination, i.e. Western Paradise, somewhere to the viewer’s right side. So, there are some explanations for this iconography such as ‘Amitabha leading a person who believe rebirth to the Western Paradise’ or ‘Returning Amitabha’, which indicates that it is related to the Buddhist Art in China or Japan. But this unique pose does not appear in Chinese or Japanese Amitabha works yet, also neither the faith of Returning Amitabha in Goryeo nor the relationship between the belief of Amitabha and Bodhisattva Leading the Way in East Asian Buddhism become known yet. Therefore the author regards this work as the Welcoming Descent of Amitabha which represents ‘Goryeo’s own expression’. Thus, I suggest that the uniqueness of this special Amitabha iconography may be differentiated with the Chinese or Japanese works, and that it reflects the thought of the Goryeo people regarding the Pure Land as a place in this world where they lives.
Moreover, I reconsidered the transmission route of the iconography. Because of the similarity of some Amitabha iconography, most senior scholars suggest that Goryeo might directly interact with Dunhuang, Xixia, Turfan, Ningbo and other regions of China at that time. But there is no concrete evidence about the exchanges between the two regions except the iconography, so I raised an objection. I think that they may have been drawn by Goryeo painters based on the ‘Manuscripts’ which were drawn before the Northern Song period (960-1127).
Over and above, I think that the social background is especially worthy of notice. Previous research suggested that some Amitabha paintings mightily reveals the ‘Imperial style’, because the patrons, like Yeom Seung-ik (廉承益), held enviable positions in the court and wielded enormous power. But I could not entirely accept this point of view. Because in the Goryeo period, the Amitabha belief was not the preserve of royalty and aristocracy only, it was a widely accepted belief which gained wide support that crossed social rank throughout the nation.
In addition, it is worth noting about the social environment. What is especially remarkable about the Iconography is the ‘Female Image’ based on the Sixteen Contemplations of the Visualization Sutra in the collection of Rinsho-ji temple in Aichi Prefecture (fig. 19) and Chion-in temple in Kyoto, Japan. (fig. 20) We can fathom out what the ‘Female Image’ could possibly mean. In actually, it indicates the social status of women, and from this fact it can be concluded that women were on an equal footing with men in Goryeo society. So I think the ‘Female Image’ has particular significance, as a symbol for women’s position in Goryeo society.
Chapter 3 describes ‘The Study of the Amitabha Belief in Goryeo’. During the Unified Silla period the Pure Land order of Buddhism were flourishing and had its golden age. After changing of the dynasty from Unified Silla to Goryeo, the Pure Land order was divided into several sects and gradually declined, but the heart of Pure Land thought had been absorbed by other orders such as Tiantai, Chan and Huayan and it was still widely permeated in all levels of Goryeo society. The Amitabha Belief is the key thought of the Pure Land order, and so the author draws a deduction that this religious background is closely related to the production of Amitabha paintings in Goryeo period.
To sum up, in this thesis the author investigated the interactions and influences among Chinese, Korean and Japanese Buddhist works in Middle Ages, especially concerning on the Goryeo Amitabha paintings. It is needed to study further for establishing the ‘Cultural Diversity’ and the ‘The Value of Each Works’ in the East Asian Buddhism Art. Because the scope of this research covers so wide that it still remains indeterminateness about this topic, the author hopes to contribute to the advancement of Korean art history and also wishes that Goryeo Buddhist Painting could attract worldwide attention for both scholars and public alike.2012-01-01T00:00:00Z骸骨與王權：殷墟墓葬骨器中的等級與身分Shao-Chun Wang汪劭純http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/853342023-03-19T22:58:23Z2022-01-01T00:00:00Z標題: 骸骨與王權：殷墟墓葬骨器中的等級與身分; Bones and Kingship: Social Hierarchy and Identity of Yinxu Burial Bone Artifacts
作者: Shao-Chun Wang; 汪劭純
摘要: 本研究旨在探討河南安陽晚商時期(ca. 1300-1046 BC.)殷墟遺址墓葬中的骨器所呈現的的身分等級。過去關於殷墟骨器的研究主要關注西北岡大墓與製骨作坊，分別討論大墓排序與製骨工藝，另有少數文章討論個別骨器的形制與紋飾問題。殷墟出土骨器尚未作全面的調查，骨器的系譜尚未建立，且我們並不清楚西北岡大墓以外墓葬中骨器的分布情況，也沒有學者探討殷墟發展出高度精緻的骨器工藝背後的原因。 本研究蒐集1928年至今殷墟考古報告中所有出土骨器的墓葬約200座，並將陪葬骨器分門別類。透過骨器的形制和墓葬出土位置所推測它們的用途，分析了11種可辨器形的骨器。作為食器的有骨容器和骨柶；作為裝身具的有梳、雕刻動物、刻刀、觿、笄；作為兵器的有弓帽、鏃；作為樂器的是塤；作為木器鑲嵌裝飾的則是骨飾片。 在這個基礎上，把這些骨器放到出土的時間脈絡及墓葬等級脈絡中觀察，可以看到殷墟二百多年間不同時段使用了哪些骨器用於陪葬，而且每一種骨器有鮮明的使用者身分限制。在時序發展方面，本研究探討了由早商時期鄭州商城到晚商殷墟隨葬骨器隨葬骨器種類，以及隨葬骨器的墓葬由少到多的過程。殷墟一二期的貴族對骨器特別有興趣，不論任何等級他們的墓葬中的骨器都多於三四期的同等級的墓葬。貴族墓葬對骨器的獨佔現象在殷墟二期尤其明顯，在殷墟三期之後，貴族墓葬對骨器的獨佔逐漸鬆動，甚至只有陶容器陪葬的墓葬，也出土一件素面骨柶、骨鏃或骨笄。 骨器的數量、種類、樣式、物種體現了一個人在商王朝中的位置。不同身分等級的墓葬陪葬骨器的數量、種類有明顯的差別，更因墓主和商王的關係親近而陪葬特別豐富的骨器，而不一定和青銅器的數量呈正比。擁有較多骨器陪葬的貴族都可以在甲骨文獻中找到他們的紀錄，他們的身分可能是王室成員、貞人，或與王關係密切的軍事將領。 骨器成為威信財可能和晚商時期商王控制的製骨作坊、黃牛的畜牧與野生動物狩獵有關。製骨作坊骨料坑顯示，家牛骨是製作殷墟骨器普遍使用原料。在殷墟出土的家牛骨骸比例高於晚商以前中原地區的遺址，也遠高於同時期的其他聚落。家牛在晚商成了一種威信財，從飼養到消費皆高度集中在統治階級。殷墟肉食來源主要取自家養動物，狩獵不再是生計活動，而成了一種侷限在統治菁英的政治性活動。獵物的骨骸是征服的產物，如象、兕、虎，這些骨骸成了王權與遼闊勢力的象徵，只屬於商王及王室成員，而商王的賞賜行為揭示了這些物品所具有的威信與親密性。骨器在殷墟成為象徵身分的物品背後，可能是作為雛形帝國的商王朝統治菁英對自然的征服與生命的控制。; The purpose of this study is to investigate the social hierarchy of bone artifacts in the tombs of Yinxu site in Anyang, Henan Province during the late Shang period (ca. 1300-1046 BC.). This study analyzes 200 tombs with bone artifacts in Yinxu and classifies 11 types of bone artifacts according to the shape of the bones and their location in the tombs, including bone containers, bone spatulas, combs, carved animals, carving knives, xi觿, hairpins, bow hats and arrowheads and xun塤. This study discusses the chronological development of burial bone artifacts from Zhengzhou in the early Shang Dynasty to the Yinxu period. The nobles in the Yinxu phase I and II were particularly interested in bone artifacts, and there were more bone artifacts in their tombs than in phase III and phase IV. After phase III, noble tombs' exclusive control of bone artifacts gradually loosened. Even burials with only pottery vessels could hold a few simple bone artifacts. The number, type, style, and combination of bone artifacts in tombs reflect one’s social position in the Shang Dynasty. Nobles with many bone artifacts buried can find their records in oracle bone inscriptions. It can be speculated that due to the close relationship between the tomb owner and the kings, not necessarily related to how many bronze vessels the tomb owner held, there are vibrant bone artifacts buried with them. Their identities are royal family members, diviners, or intimate military generals. The fact that bone tools became prestige goods may be related to the bone workshops, cattle farming, and wild animal hunting controlled by kings of the late Shang Dynasty. The pit of the bone workshop shows that cattle bones are commonly used raw materials for making bone artifacts. The proportion of domestic cattle bones unearthed in Yinxu is much higher than that of other settlements of the same period. Domestic cattle became a kind of prestige wealth in the late Shang Dynasty, and they were highly concentrated in the ruling class from breeding to consumption. At the same time, the meat source of Yinxu is mainly domestic animals. Hunting is no longer a livelihood activity, but a political activity limited to the ruling elite. The skeletons of wild animals are the product of conquest, including elephants, wild buffalo, and tigers. These skeletons became symbols of power, belonging only to the kings and members of the royal family. Moreover, the bone artifacts rewarded by kings reveals the prestige and intimacy of these objects.2022-01-01T00:00:00Z