http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/103 2026-03-10T08:11:04Z 2026-03-10T08:11:04Z Yu-Chun Hsu 許育群 http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/23894 2021-06-08T05:12:11Z 2006-01-01T00:00:00Z

標題: 黨國體制下的住宅政策; Housing Policy under the Party-state System 作者: Yu-Chun Hsu; 許育群 摘要: 論文提要 對於台灣社會福利政策發展的研究，國內學者多以國家中心的觀點出發，以黨國體制的因素作詮釋。然而住宅政策上，自1970年代中期開始，接連推動了數個重大的國民住宅興建計畫，使得住宅資源的分配，從之前的特意照顧軍公教人員，變的更普及化，有分配給一般人民的趨勢。這樣的趨勢，本文認為除了黨國的因素以外，從黨國體制的外在因素--亦即國際面向上的變動，再加上內在因素--亦即國內社會的變動來加以考察，可以獲得比較完整的解釋。 本文以「行動者與結構間的權力關係」作為架構，來觀察黨國體制與國際因素和國內社會間的互動，是如何影響了台灣住宅政策的形成與1970年代以後的變遷。黨國體制的住宅資源分配，在統治初期由於社會力的缺乏以及美國在軍事、經濟以及外交上的支持而得以不顧及台灣社會一般人的需要，形成以身份做區別，獨厚特定族群的住宅政策。到了1970年代之後，國際上黨國面臨了外交危機，造成對內統治正當性的幻滅；內在則社會力興起，民主化運動加上後起的社會運動，挑戰黨國對台灣社會的壓制。因此這時候住宅資源分配上的普及化趨勢，也印證了社會相對於國家的自主性。

2006-01-01T00:00:00Z Yi-Shiuan Yuan 袁翊軒 http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/30450 2021-06-13T02:04:06Z 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z

標題: 《黃帝四經》中的政治思想; The Political Thought of The Yellow Emperor's Four Canons 作者: Yi-Shiuan Yuan; 袁翊軒 摘要: 本篇論文主要研究的對象乃是1973年從馬王堆古墓出土的乙本老子卷前四篇古佚書（〈經法〉、〈十大經〉、〈稱〉和〈道原〉），透過諸多文獻的考證認定其合稱為《黃帝四經》。《黃帝四經》成書於戰國早中期，並高度發展於齊國稷下學宮，該基本背景足以作為理解《黃帝四經》的重要佐證。而文本的探討和論文的寫作是以「思想史途徑」為建構本文結構的基本途徑，並以「概念史途徑」當作各章節內部討論的重要方法。 在《黃帝四經》的理論當中，由道而化生形下世界的架構，可以運用「氣」來理解，轉為從「渾沌之氣」化生萬物，因此可簡稱為「道是氣」的氣化宇宙論。這是萬物存在的基本環境，透過氣的變化帶有物質意義（氣）和抽象意義（道理）。若集中觀察其中的人世，人應當依於自然而生存，其中不凡者姑且稱為「聖人」。聖人順於道理而處世，並且透過氣而與環境達成和諧，使己身復歸渾沌；或是在「道生法」的脈絡中扮演中介角色，創造理想秩序，甚至使人世共同復歸渾沌。 聖人（不限擔任君或臣）修持的關鍵在於「神明」，「神明」是一個複雜的概念簇，包含了「渾沌義」、「神祇義」和「內在義」，三種意義可以互相聯繫。聖人透過「內在」發動修持「神明」，足以與「神祇」溝通或更進一步復歸「渾沌」。而因為修持內在所致的效果不同，代表著內在「神明」具有層次之別，更因此當聖人操持「神明」而治理，政治秩序和統治術便也由焉存在層次的差異。本文將《黃帝四經》中所涉的理想的政治秩序分為「無為而無以為」和「無為而無不為」，而統治術中的「名實相符」和「刑德相養」在不同層次的政治秩序下，也產生不同的表現形式。 總歸來說，不論《黃帝四經》如何看待繽紛的環境，或是如何區分複雜的人世，透過對於「神明」概念的理解，可以發現《黃帝四經》的最終企圖乃是試圖將整個氣化世界再次拉回「渾沌」。這樣的理想也讓《黃帝四經》在行文時不斷呈現返回「一」的思維模式，本文據此歸納出「天人合一」、「內外合一」和「體用合一」的三個重要面向。這樣的特色同時帶有「神秘性」和「理性」，或許是「道家」思維的共同特質。

2007-01-01T00:00:00Z Ying-Chuan Chen 陳盈全 http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/8798 2021-05-20T20:01:30Z 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z

標題: 《鶡冠子》的道法思想─從「天」、「地」、「人」、「命」「四稽」談起; The Tao-Fa Thought in He-Guan-zi─Analysis on “Four-Ji”: “Tian”, “Di”, “Ren”, “Ming” 作者: Ying-Chuan Chen; 陳盈全 摘要: 《鶡冠子》曾陷偽書之說、加以文字脫謬、少有佳注，故歷代鮮有研究。近年出土文獻雖然證明了《鶡冠子》為戰國後期作品、同時也出現可供參考對照的其它經典、對其時思想有更多認識，但與之而起的研究主要著重於《鶡冠子》與《黃帝四經》的相似之處、或者黃老學說的議題，較少研究作品是單純以《鶡冠子》思想內涵為主的，相當可惜。在此考量下，本文主旨為解析《鶡冠子》一書中的主軸──道法思想，並簡單處理其與《黃帝四經》的關係，以求貢獻於《鶡冠子》的思想內涵解析、以及對其學派歸屬與思想史意義有所交代。 　　《鶡冠子》以「道」作為思想體系的主軸，延續著先民們對於認識活動議題的關注，在《老子》之後發揚了「道」在共同生活中的秩序功能，並提出更豐富的論述，展現了重「物」、重「異」、以及強調道用的特色。《鶡冠子》提出「道」與「一」的「同」、「異」開展、「空」、「無不備」的哲學意含、以及「天」與「氣」的靜態性質和動態流動論述，藉由這三條軸線處理萬物開展議題。延續著萬物開展的論點，《鶡冠子》提出「四稽」以論說「天徵其文、地顯其理、人發其道、君制其命」，說明「道」會滯留於此四「稽」，而聖人藉由稽考「四稽」而對「道」以及這個世界有更深刻的認識，並且發揮成「聖生道」、「道生法」的主張，論述了一套初於認識終於治理的道法思想。就內容來說，道法思想利用「道」、「法」、「令」的靜態描述與動態運作，說明了統治者藉由「法」表現為「神」、「明」的近遠動態認識能力，其中包括藉由「四稽」的內涵以及眾多的認識活動主張，說明聖人能掌握一些認識公式、認識「道」的內涵、認識所處的世界、並且進一步「生法」、出制成「法」與「令」、表現為具有指導價值的「則」與「繩」，並利用「法」與「是」的互訓說明了對應議題、並得以安養萬物，在這些意義下論述了「法」的豐富內涵，這便是《鶡冠子》道法思想的主要結構。 　　就《鶡冠子》的文本外部關係來說，本文簡單地比較其與《黃帝四經》的「道生法」論點，說明後出的《鶡冠子》提出了更豐富的道法思想，不但論述了另一條「聖生道」的軸線，同時也在道物關係以及認識活動議題上提出了更多的細緻說法，與《黃帝四經》的道法思想有諸多差別。進一步解析這些細緻說法時，本文發現了這些突出的豐富論點多數是援引於《老子》、或者戰國時代的其它經典、反而是與《黃帝四經》關係較遠的。在這些研究成果下，本文主張「道法思想」與「黃老學說」應當為兩條不同的發展軸線，主張該將《鶡冠子》視為在「黃老學說」發展軸線之外的「道法思想」論述，反省了學界將《鶡冠子》視為黃老學派的看法。 　　《鶡冠子》這套道法思想藉由抽象之「道」提高了實際之「法」的位階，提供了由封建進入帝國的統治基礎，這是「法」在政治史中的重要意義；另一方面，道法思想也反映了戰國時期人們對於抽象世界與具體世界、自然世界與人事世界之對應想像，因此道法思想是試圖尋求一些「認知公式」，是著重於認識活動議題的；而《鶡冠子》的道法思想也展現了戰國時期的思想匯集特色、援引了許多共同論說的思想議題、並重新組合一套具有自身特色的思想作品，雖然身處黃老學說發展軸線之外，卻也應該參與了戰國後期的黃老學說共同制定，這便是《鶡冠子》在思想史中的意義。; He Guan Zi was once thought as apocryphal. Due to obstacles such as erroneous scripts and the lack of quality annotations, it has rarely been studied by past scholars. Even though recent excavated literature proved that the book was a work of the later Warring States period, discovering also other scriptures for reference to further understand the ideas of that time, past literature concentrate more on the similarities between He Guan Zi and The Four Texts of the Yellow Emperor or issues of the Huang-Lao school of thought, than on He Guan Zi itself, which is most unfortunate. With such concerns, the objective of this study is to analyze the main structure of He Guan Zi, which consists of Tao-Fa thought. Its relation between The Four Texts of the Yellow Emperor will also be concisely illustrated in order to achieve a deeper comprehension of the content of He Guan Zi and give an account for its position and significance in intellectual history. “Tao” (道) is the underlying basis of He Guan Zi. It does not suspend the ancient concern for cognitive activities and it succeeds Tao Te Ching in highlighting the function of “Tao” to maintain order in communal life, offering an even richer discourse, displaying its emphasis on “Wu,” (物) “Yi,” (異) and the application of Tao. He Guan Zi presents us with the “Tong” (同, sameness) and “Yi (異, distinctness)” of “Tao” and “Yi” (一, oneness), unfolding the philosophical implications of “Kong” (空) and “Wu Bu Bei” (無不備), and offers a discourse of the static and dynamic attributes on “Tian” (天，the heavens) and “Chi” (氣). Discussing the issue of the unfolding of nature with the three aforementioned lines of arguments, He Guan Zi offers “Four Ji” (四稽, the four inspections) to argue that “the Heavens manifests its principles, the Earth reveals its sympathy, Humans employ their will, and the Emperor establishes his decree” and proves that “Tao” lingers in the four inspections. Thus by inspecting the “Four Ji,” saints may reach a deeper understanding about “Tao” and the world, and by utilizing the thinking of “the Sacred forms Tao” and “Tao forms the Law,” a system of thought which begins with cognition and ends with governance is generated. Concerning its content, Tao-Fa thought uses the static description and dynamic operation of “Tao,” “Fa” (法, law), “Ling” (令, order or decree) to explain that rulers use “Fa” to express their cognitive ability of close and far actives by “Shun” (神) and “Ming” (明). Further, with the content of “Four Ji” and more claims about cognitive activity, together they elucidate the idea that the saint can grasp some cognitive formula to understand the content of “Tao” and the world. The saint can then further generate law, make “Fa,” “Ling,” and state “Ze” (則, principle) and “Sheng” (繩, rope or restraint) which is valuable to leadership on practical terms. The inter-explanations between “Fa” and “Shi” (是) are used to explain corresponding issues and the nurture of all beings. It is in these contexts a discourse of the rich profundity of “Fa” is given, constituting the main structure of the Tao-Fa thought of He Guan Zi. As to the external textual relations of He Guan Zi, after a concise comparison to the argument of “the Tao forms the Law” in The Four Texts of the Yellow Emperor, this essay illustrates the idea that He Guan Zi offers richer Tao-Fa thought; the book not only offers another discourse, “the Sacred forms Tao,” but also provides a more detailed argument about the Tao-object relation and cognitive activity, in which He Guan Zi is very much distinct from the Tao-Fa thought of The Four Texts of the Yellow Emperor. In an attempt of further analysis on these more detailed arguments, this essay exposes the fact that much of the exceptional and rich propositions in He Guan Zi were quoted from Tao Te Ching or from other classics from the Warring States period, implying a less close relation with The Four Texts of the Yellow Emperor. With the fruits of this research, this essay argues that “Tao-Fa thought” and “Huang-Lao thought” should be distinguished, so that He Guan Zi may be understood also in the context of the former instead of the latter perspective alone. This essay therefore gives a second thought on the academic world’s perspective, which believes He Guan Zi belongs to the Huang-Lao school of thought. The Tao-Fa thought of He Guan Zi uses the abstract “Tao” to elevate the rank of the practical “Fa,” offering a political legitimate basis for feudal China to become an empire. This is the significance of “Fa” in political history. On the other hand, Tao-Fa thought is also a reflection of how people in the Warring States period think of the correspondence between the abstract world, the practical world, the natural world, and the world of human conduct. Hence, Tao-Fa thinkers attempt to discover some “cognitive formulas” which concern matters of cognitive activities. The Tao-Fa thought of He Guan Zi also colorfully illustrates the syncretism of thought in the Warring States period; common discourses and issues of thought of that time were quoted frequently and eventually reconstructed into a product with its own ingenuity. Although external to the context of the development of Huang-Lao thought, He Guan Zi ought to have joined in the mutual establishment of Huang-Lao thought in the later Warring States period. Thus is the significance of He Guan Zi in the history of thought.

2009-01-01T00:00:00Z Anne Lai 賴俞安 http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/40649 2021-06-14T16:54:35Z 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z

標題: 魚與熊掌︰為何中國經改延誤民主？; Why China's Economic Reform Has Delayed Its Transition Toward Western-style Democracy 作者: Anne Lai; 賴俞安 摘要: 中國大陸一連串經濟改革對於中國社會與政治整體而言扮演相當重要的作用。在一定程度上，經濟發展對於民主具有推拉因素︰一方面而言，經濟改革對於推動政治自由化有相當的激勵作用；另一方面而言，中國經濟改革在某種程度卻有相反的作用，使中國偏離政治自由化的民主進程。一般而言，亞洲四小龍的經濟發展與政治自由化的經驗主要有賴於隨著經濟增長而漸增的的體制基礎，為多元化與非正式組織的組成提供體制上的發展可能。 截至目前為止，中國經濟發展經驗卻為中國政治獨斷帶來增強的效果，幾十年的經濟改革使中國偏離西方理論的預期成為一個經濟發展與政治體制的例外；換句話說，中國經改加強了中央權力鞏固的效果，使中國共產黨免於政治的脆弱性和合法性的危機，這在多數東歐社會主義國家經濟改革的經驗並不多見，尤其在經濟轉型的過渡期中，政治自由化的推動往往造成政權的崩潰與社會的動盪；然而這在中國的轉型經驗中並不存在。本篇論文對於其中的因果解釋在於︰在經濟改革過程中的中產階級並未要求政治自由化。在一般西方民主轉型文獻當中，中產階級常是促進與推定的重要推手，然而在在中國經驗當中，中產階級對於推動政治民主化並不積極，他們既不同情廣大的農工階級，也沒興趣成為領導政治自由化的反對勢力。此外，中國的企業家也不具有推動政治轉型的積極性，相反的是，他們樂於與政府保持良好關係，在某種程度上忠實地支持政權以維護他們的特殊地位。對於中國企業家而言，與政治統治集團保持良好的互動關係能相對鞏固經濟上的特權，因為對於不斷追求利潤的企業家而言，政治上的闢蔭對於商業利潤的追求有絕對的促進效果。 由上而下的層面觀察，中國共產黨展現了驚人的適應能力，不僅透過政策來回應變動中的社會關係，同時也透過與社會的合作關係緩解政治改革的壓力。未來中國共產黨仍會將經濟改革、社會的和諧與穩定視為首要目標，希冀用以維護並持續長久以來的政治權力壟斷。; The sequence of Chinese reforms has a major overall effect on the political and social landscape of the country. To some extent, economic development is certainly a push- pull factor that makes China move toward or deviate from the path of political liberalization. In the case of China, as the paper proposed, it deviates from the developmental experience of the Asian four tigers, where growth of the physical economy brings about the emerging institutional basis for the country’s intellectual pluralism and informal institutions. In other words, the two-decades of economic reform has made China an exception that is immune from political vulnerability and a legitimacy crisis that most Eastern European socialist economies had experienced during the transition period. The basic reason is that the rising middle class has not demanded democracy but has cooperated with the Party, though it is widely assumed to be politically assertive and autonomous from the government in the political science literature. Moreover, Chinese entrepreneurs are not agitating for democratic demands either; instead, they represent a vast majority of interest groups in pursuit of profit maximization and to loyally support the regime in exchange for the preservation of their special positions. As the paper argues, China’s private entrepreneurs are found to be politically introverted and willing to maintain some kind of good relationship with the state. On the top-down level, the Chinese Communist Party has shown incredible adaptability to a changing political environment through its recruitment policies. The cooptation policy, cooperation policy and cadre evaluation system make the party more capable of dealing with the legitimacy issue in response to the changing societal relationship, and consequently to ignore pressures for political change. In the foreseeable future, the Chinese Communist Party is expected to consistently highlight the priority of the country’s economic development, social harmony and stability, which enable the regime to hold a political monopoly.

2008-01-01T00:00:00Z