動員女性選民：嘉義縣姊妹連線的個案研究

Abstract

在國民黨威權統治時期，政治人物主要以侍從主義作為選舉動員的手段，吸引選民支持。隨著台灣的民主轉型，學者開始爭論侍從主義式的交換，是否仍然普遍存在於地方政治動員。然而，不論是台灣地方政治或侍從主義的相關研究，往往忽略了性別差異對動員策略的影響。因此，本文探討的問題主要有二：侍從主義作為政治動員的手段，在民主化之後是否已被其他形式取代？再者，政治人物在動員男性選民及女性選民時，是否會採取不同的策略？ 本研究挑選全部成員皆由女性組成的嘉義縣姊妹連線作為案例對象，探討組織中的女性政治動員，再以男性成員比例居多的嘉義縣信賴台灣之友會作為對照組。透過深度訪談法及田野觀察法，探討選民動員策略的性別差異。 研究結果發現，姊妹連線的政治動員策略強調情感交換。在非選舉期間，政治人物透過與政治無關的活動作為婉飾策略，藉由長期的相處累積象徵性資本，使組織成員對政治人物產生感情聯繫和道德義務。象徵性資本在選舉期間會轉換為政治資本，成為政治人物的動員基礎。相較之下，信賴台灣之友會的動員策略則較不依賴情感交換，而是講求互惠關係，即政治人物透過解決網絡成員的日常需求，累積雙方的信任關係，作為選舉動員的籌碼。造成選舉動員策略差異的主因在於招募策略的不同。姊妹連線在招募階段大多不談政治，以降低潛在成員對政治參與的戒心。信賴台灣之友會在招募階段即以政黨及行政資源吸引中介者加入網絡，以物質性資本的交換作為支撐網絡維繫的基礎。 最後，儘管本文在信賴台灣之友會的動員網絡中，發現侍從主義存在的懲罰和監督機制。然而，這些機制的運作與傳統上所見的侍從主義機制並不完全一致。本文認為，隨著民主轉型，侍從主義雖然並未完全消失，但相較過往已經大幅衰退。

During the authoritarian rule of the Kuomintang (KMT), politicians primarily relied on clientelism as a means of electoral mobilization to garner voter support. With Taiwan's transition to democracy, scholars debated whether clientelistic exchanges still prevail in local political mobilization. However, studies on Taiwanese local politics or clientelism often overlook the impact of gender differences on mobilization strategies. Therefore, this research explores two main questions: As a means of political mobilization, has clientelism been replaced by other forms since democratization? Moreover, do politicians adopt different strategies when mobilizing male and female voters? This study selects the Sister’s United in Chiayi County, an organization composed entirely of women, as a case study to examine female political mobilization. For comparison, the Chiayi County Friends of Lai, with a majority of male members, serves as the reference group. Through in-depth interviews and field observations, the study analyzes gender differences in voter mobilization strategies. The findings reveal that the political mobilization strategy of the Sister’s United is based on emotional exchange. During non-election periods, politicians use non-political daily activities as a euphemistic strategy. Through long-term interactions, they accumulate symbolic capital, fostering emotional connections and a sense of moral obligation among organization members. This symbolic capital is then transformed into political capital during election periods, serving as the foundation for political mobilization. In contrast, the Chiayi County Friends of Lai’s mobilization strategy relies less on emotional exchange rather than reciprocal relationships. Politicians build mutual trust with network members by addressing their daily needs, using this trust as leverage for electoral mobilization. The primary reason for the difference in mobilization strategies lies in the recruitment tactics. The Sister’s United tends to avoid discussing politics to reduce potential members' apprehension towards political participation. In comparison, the Chiayi County Friends of Lai attracts brokers to join its network by leveraging party and administrative resources from the recruitment stage, using the exchange of material capital as the foundation for maintaining the network. Finally, in the mobilization network of the Chiayi County Friends of Lai, mechanisms of punishment and monitoring of clientelism have been identified. However, the operation of these mechanisms is not entirely consistent with those traditionally found in clientelism. This paper argues that although clientelism has not completely disappeared with democratization, it has significantly declined compared to the past.