參政之後：臺灣女性政治工作者的性騷擾受害經歷

Abstract

職場性騷擾的問題早在1980年代便受到國內外關注，但直至2017年#MeToo運動出現後，各國政治職場中的性騷擾問題才開始被揭露。本研究以政治作為職場的角度切入，並透過對48位男性和女性從政者、政治幕僚與黨工進行深度訪談，探討臺灣女性政治工作者遭遇性騷擾的經驗。女性政治工作者包括「女性從政者」以及「女性政治幕僚與黨工」兩大類。 關於女性在政治場域中遭受性騷擾的經驗，既有研究聚焦於性騷擾的行為樣態，本研究則針對加害者與受害者的權力基礎差異，區分為職位權力型性騷擾、資源權力型性騷擾以及文化權力型性騷擾三類，並藉此分析在不同權力關係下所出現的性騷擾，在受害者的回應方式，以及案件處理方式等面向上的差異。 本研究發現，當前臺灣政治職場性騷擾是非常普遍的現象，而性騷擾問題已經在政治工作場域形成對於女性的敵意環境。整體而言，受訪的女性政治工作者多半曾遭受來自民眾的言語或肢體性騷擾，年輕者尤其如此。就女性從政者而言，文化權力型性騷擾實際上是最難以處理或解決的性騷擾類型，因其違反職位權力或資源權力運作邏輯，是父權文化下性別權力差異的結果，使這類型性騷擾在結構上最為穩固、最難以被挑戰。至於女性政治幕僚與黨工的經驗，雇主的性別意識以及態度，對於她們在遭受性騷擾後是否考慮求助，或是騷擾行為是否能被制止，具有關鍵性的影響。 本研究也分析女性政治工作者在政治職場中的脆弱處境。就制度面向而言，《性別工作平等法》難以被落實、議會及政黨內部性騷擾防治機制與規範不足皆促成女性政治工作者在尋求制度性協助時面臨困難。就文化面向而言，男性在人數上與職場文化上的主宰地位鞏固了政治職場的陽剛文化，使得女性在政治工作中經常受到性物化與性騷擾。 儘管多數女性受訪者並未因為遭受性騷擾而考慮退出政治職場，但本研究發現，確實有部份年輕女性政治幕僚與黨工因遭受性騷擾或其經驗未獲適當處理而退出政治工作，或是因更換雇主而影響其工作之穩定性。性騷擾問題已成為女性在參政或從政時被迫承受的傷害與成本，也直接影響臺灣民主政治的運作與品質。

Workplace sexual harassment has been an issue in Taiwan since the 1980s, but politics as a workplace and sexual harassment in politics have been mostly absent in conversations on workplace sexual harassment. This thesis is a case study on sexual harassment against women in politics in Taiwan, carried out with 48 in-depth interviews with politicians and political staffers. The former refers to current and former legislators, local councilors, and candidates, while the latter includes assistants to legislators or councilors, aids to executive leadership in national or local government, political party executives and assistants to candidates. This study proposes that power imbalances are at the root of sexual harassment, and identifies three types of sexual harassment against women in the workplace of politics: Supervisory Power sexual harassment, Resource Gap sexual harassment, and Cultural Power sexual harassment. The study shows that sexual harassment is a widespread problem in the workplace of politics, and this phenomenon has created a hostile work environment for women, especially young women. Generally, most of the women interviewees had been sexually harassed by male voters. For women politicians, the Cultural Power sexual harassment is structurally the most difficult to overcome since the harassment results from patriarchal cultural practices. As for women political staffers, whether their employers or supervisors are gender conscious and the employer’s or supervisors’ gender consciousness and attitude toward sexual harassment have significant impacts on whether they consider reaching out for help after being sexually harassed, and whether the harassment can be stopped. This study also analyzes the structural vulnerability of women in the workplace of politics. In terms of institutions, the Act of Gender Equality in Employment barely applies to the workplace of politics, and the lack of sexual harassment prevention measures and complaint mechanisms in the standing orders of the Legislative Yuan and municipal councils and the internal rules of political parties make it difficult for women in politics to seek institutional remedies after being sexually harassed. In terms of culture, the numerical and normative male dominance strengthens the masculine culture of politics, which perpetuates a workplace culture in which women frequently experience sexual objectification and sexual harassment. For most women interviewees, the sexual harassment they experienced has not frustrated their political ambition or their willingness to continue their career in politics. However, this study also finds that some women political staffers indeed opted out of the workplace of politics because of the sexual harassment they suffered, or their employers’ or supervisors’ reluctance to implement immediate and effective measures or offer help after they make complaints of workplace sexual harassment. The latter had also forced some women political staffers to find a new job after experiencing workplace sexual harassment, which has negatively affected their career development and stability. Sexual harassment has become a cost forced upon women who are pursuing a career in politics, and has also exerted a negative influence on the functioning and quality of Taiwan’s democracy.