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Title: | 七至九世紀東亞佛教王權的建構與展示 The Construction and Display of Buddhist Kingship in East Asia in the 7th to 9th Century |
Authors: | Chih-Hung Li 李志鴻 |
Advisor: | 甘懷真(Huai-Chen Kan) |
Keyword: | 東亞文化交流,佛教王權,寫經,舍利,禮儀空間, Cultural exchanges in East Asia,Buddhist kingship,Buddhist manuscript,Relics,Ritual, |
Publication Year : | 2020 |
Degree: | 博士 |
Abstract: | 本文以「七至九世紀東亞佛教王權的建構與展示」為題,探討此一時期唐、新羅、日本王權如何藉由東亞跨域的文化交流,認識與運用佛教知識,在自國建構王權的統治正當性與神聖性,以及他們如何看待與使用多元的媒介:佛教書籍、聖物舍利、禮儀空間,來形塑讀者與觀眾眼中的佛教聖王形象。在七至九世紀的東亞大陸,佛教是儒教之外,王權建構統治合理性的核心文化與知識資源。除了東亞的諸王權外,亞洲跨域交流的僧人也是重要的行動者,他們在面對政治挑戰或困境時,以佛教經典、理念、傳說為行動的依據或靈感,藉此強化與穩固統治的正當性。另外,他們也透過東亞跨域的文化交流,利用他們取得的佛教書籍、聖物、圖像等,作為權力施展的媒介,並根據自國的政教需求,進行調整或創新。本論文透過考察多元的媒介,嘗試多角度地分析唐、新羅、日本佛教王權的特質,以及他們如何運用多樣的媒介,在自國建構與展示佛教王權。 在第一部分「唐代佛教王權的建構與展示」,第一章至第三章筆者分別透過「佛教書籍」、「聖物舍利」、「禮儀空間」三個角度,來探討七至八世紀唐代佛教王權的特質。第一章分析與討論唐代前期官方如何透過「聖教序」的書寫,藉由佛教書籍、石碑等多樣的媒介,來向臣民傳播其佛教聖王的形象。「聖教序」位於新譯經卷與一切經的「卷首」,具有提示讀者的效果。透過書寫「聖教序」,皇帝成為讀者眼中的贊助者、作者與受到佛陀囑付的國王,有利於官方形塑皇帝的政教形象。在唐太宗(598-649,626-649在位)至唐中宗(656-710,684/705-710在位)統治時期,「聖教序」成為歷任皇帝支持與贊助佛教的政教宣言,也乘載著他們對於國土與佛教世界觀的認識與想像。 第二章則以考古出土的舍利容器為中心,從「器物」的角度探討七至八世紀王權如何利用舍利構築統治合理性,以及舍利容器如何視覺性地展示王權。在隋代,舍利成為隋文帝建構統治合理性的重要聖物,透過仁壽舍利塔的設置,隋文帝(541-604,581-604在位)彷彿就是阿育王(西元前304-西元前232,西元前268-西元前232在位)。隋代舍利石函上的佛教圖像與銘文,除了表達四天王鎮護國土的觀念,也是皇帝神奇感應的象徵與符號。在唐高宗(628-683,649-683在位)至武曌(624-705,690-705在位)統治時期,舍利容器出現了新的變化:金棺銀槨,同時「舍利」也被視為佛陀的「真身」,居住於塔下的墓葬空間。當武曌稱帝後,她以隋文帝為靈感,利用舍利來強化君王的統治合理性與神聖性。此時,舍利容器與地下墓葬空間的新變,反映著武曌如何藉由禮儀改革,來伸張其權力。 第三章則以「禮儀空間」為焦點,探討安史之亂(755-763)後的唐政權,如何在僧人不空(705-774)的影響下,建構新型態的佛教王權。在唐肅宗(711-762,756-762在位)至唐代宗(727-779,762-779在位)統治期間,不空透過多樣的佛教禮儀,在不同的空間形塑佛教王權的視覺性。在長安城大明宮,他替皇帝灌頂,內道場成為皇帝私密的神聖空間。大興善寺與青龍寺,則是為國念誦密教真言、為國祈願的禮儀空間。除了皇宮與寺院,資聖寺與西明寺的「仁王百高座」與遊行隊伍,都形塑著人們眼中理想佛教國家的形象。藉由修功德的禮儀,不空連結都城長安與聖地五臺山,期盼文殊菩薩與護法善神能護佑王權與守護國土。 第二部分「七至九世紀東亞佛教王權的建構與展示:新羅與日本」,利用東亞跨域交流的視角,探討新羅與日本王權如何在自國建構佛教王權,以及佛教如何形塑新羅與日本的王權與世界觀。 第四章則藉由亞洲海洋文化交流的視角,探討新羅如何透過中國南朝的中介,在自國建構佛教王權與國土的宗教論述。六世紀梁武帝(464-549,502-549在位)所構築的佛教王權與世界觀,影響著新羅官方的佛教認識。在七世紀,慈藏(生卒年不詳)深刻地影響新羅佛教王權的內涵與視覺表現。高聳的皇龍寺佛塔、巨大金銅佛像與「仁王百高座」禮儀,都形塑著新羅佛教王權的視覺性。另外,在慈藏的論述中,新羅不是東亞世界中的東夷,而是繼承阿育王的海上佛緣國土。 在第五章筆者以孝謙女帝為中心,探究奈良朝的孝謙女帝(718-770,749-758及764-770在位)如何使用佛教,來強化與穩固女帝的統治合理性與神聖性。武曌可能啟發著孝謙女帝,我們可以見到孝謙女帝利用舍利的感應來構築王權的統治合理性。但不同於武曌,孝謙女帝贊助與製作《無垢淨光大陀羅尼經》百萬塔,並利用印刷術來大量製作經卷。這反映著佛教王權的使用,是日本奈良朝技術創新的動力,亦可見到孝謙女帝的創意與能動性。 最後,本論文以入唐求法僧空海(774-835)為焦點,分析空海如何利用入唐取得的佛教書籍、器物、圖像等,在日本平安朝前期建構佛教王權。空海十分崇拜不空,並強調密教傳承自不空與惠果(746-805)。在空海的佛教經典著疏中,我們可以見到空海對於理想佛教國家的論述,以及他對於不空教團佛教知識與政教論述的認識。此外,空海調整並改變平安朝初期的佛教禮儀,平城京東大寺、平安京大內裏與東寺都成為新穎的佛教神聖空間,在此進行新的密教禮儀。特別是東寺,空海以唐長安的青龍寺為範本,建構密教守護王權與鎮護國家的禮儀空間。 This thesis discusses about how the authorities of Tang, Silla and Japan utilize Buddhist ideas and thoughts from cultural exchanges in East Asia to construct sacred kingship and legitimacy in the 7th to 9th century. Also, it examines how these authorities consider and maneuver diverse media: Buddhist scriptures, relics and ritual spaces to formulate the images of ideal Buddhist kingship in the eyes of the audience. Besides Confucianism, Buddhism was the main intellectual and cultural resources for sovereignties in East Asia. Through the cultural exchanges in East Asia, Buddhist manuscripts, relics, images and goods were all media of power for various agents not only to meet their political needs but also to make cultural and religious innovations. By means of investigating different media, we could explore the traits of Buddhist kingships in East Asia further. In the first part, I examined the characteristics of Buddhist kingship in Tang China through three dimensions: Buddhist manuscripts, relics and ritual space. In Chapter 1, I analyzed and discussed how the authority of Tang took advantage of Buddhist manuscripts and stone monuments to disseminate ideal Buddhist kingships for elites and common people in the 7th to 8th century. The preface of sacred Buddhist canons, authorized by Tang emperors, was located at the very beginning of Buddhist manuscripts that consciously called attentions for readers. In the eyes of readers, emperors of Tang were regarded as great sponsors, co-authors, and sacred kingship entrusted by Buddha in the world. All of these were in favor of shaping the political and religious images of emperors. From Emperor Taizong to Emperor Zhongzong of Tang, the preface of sacred Buddhist canons not only interpreted as official declarations to publicize imperial attitudes for Buddhism, but also discoursed the knowledge and imaginations of lands in Buddhist worldview. In Chapter 2, I discussed how the authorities of Sui and Tang exploited Buddhist relics to construct imperial legitimacy and display sacred kingship visually. In the Sui dynasty, relics were sacred goods for Emperor Wen of Sui to play the role of Ashoka the Great by means of constructing stupas. We could find the images and inscriptions on the stone containers of relics that not only expressed the idea of state-protection Buddhism but also the signs of miraculous induction of emperors. During the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Tang and Empress Wu, the shape and images of containers of relics obviously changed. In addition, relics were viewed as actual and living body of Buddha who lived in the funerary space under the stupa. Wu Zetian took Emperor Wen of Sui as example to use relics to make ritual reforms further to increase her political as well as religious power, and to strengthern the legitimacy for female rulers. In Chapter 3, I focused on how the Tang government utilize Buddhist Kingship and build up ritual space in both capital city and Moung Wutai during and also after An Lushan Rebellion (755-763). Under the rule of Emperor Su, Buddhist kingship became one of the foundations for Tang Emperor's legitimacy. Through abhisheka ceremonies for emperor, chanting in the palace, and the receiving of sarira from Temple Famen by Amoghavajra (705-774), Changan, the capital city, became one of most important ritual space for Tang emperors. Under the rule of Emperor Dai, with the support of Tang government, Amoghavajra further built up ritual space for Buddhist kingship in Changan. Daming Palace, the inner temple inside the palace, and Temple Daxingshan were the places where government displayed Buddhist kingship rituals. Abhisheka ceremonies along with the chanting of Humane King Sutra and Dharani, Buddhist lecture meeting for Humane King Sutra, and Ullambana held in palace, all became the core content of Tang Buddhist Kingship rituals after the mid-Eighth century. Moreover, advised by Amoghavajra, Tang government strengthened the cult of Mount Wutai, which was regarded as sacred space of Manjushri then. Having monks chanting Humane King Sutra, Lotus Sutra, and Dharani in Mount Wutai, and sending monks from Changan to Mount Wutai for pilgrimage and good deeds, connected Capital Changan and Manjushri's site, Mount Wutai. In the second part, I inspected how political authorities of Silla and Japan construct Buddhist kingship and form the worldview of Buddhist land in East Asia in the 7th to 9th century. In Chapter 4, I focused on the communication between Southern dynasties of China and countries of the maritime silk road in the sixth century, via the perspective of Buddhist kingship, to discuss how the authority of Southern dynasties of China utilized Buddhist kingship as political and diplomatic ideas to construct capital Jiankang as the center of East Asia, and developed new special international relations. Under the development of Buddhist kingship of the Liang dynasty, Jiankang almost became a sacred Buddhist city, and the Buddhist kingship of Liang dynasty strongly affected the diplomatic communications between the countries of the maritime silk road and Silla. The concept of Buddhist kingship of Liang affected and prompted Silla in the sixth century and the idea of Buddhist kingship was taken as political ideas to political reform. The kingship of Silla accepted and supported Buddhism to magnify king’s sacred power and increase the royalties of the ruling aristocracy. In the 7th century, monk Jajang慈藏 played the role of the vital agent for Buddhist cultural exchanges between Tang and Silla and affected the traits and images of Buddhist kingship of Silla. The towering stupa, the huge golden statue of Buddha, and the ritual of Humane King Sutra played in Hwangnyong Temple where all formed the visuality of Buddhist kingship of Silla. Besides, Silla was not the barbarian in the worldview of Confucianism anymore, but the ideal Buddhist land, succeeded to Ashoka the Great’s kingdom. In Chapter 5, I focused on Empress Kōken to analyze how female ruler utilized Buddhist to strengthen the sancity and legitimacy in Japan. It is interesting to note that Wu Zetian could inspire Empress Kōken to put emphasis on the induction of relics in order to constructing Buddhist kingship. Nevertheless, unlike Wu Zetian, Empress Kōken sponsored and made orders to manufacture millions of wooden stupa where the Hyakumanto Darani made by printing were well preserved. Both millions of wooden stupa and Hyakumanto Daran demonstrated the practice of Empress Kōken for displaying her Buddhist kingship and we could also confirm the innovation and agency of Empress Kōken in East Asia in the 8th centucy. At last, I focused on Kukai to analyze how Kukai used the Buddhist manuscripts, goods and images from Tang to construct and adjust Buddhist kingship in the early period of Heian Japan. Kukai admired Amoghavajra a lot and was conscious to emphasize the inheritance of Huiguo and Amoghavajra. In addition, we could see the discourse of ideal Buddhist state from the comments of Buddhist scriptures by Kukai that he looked forward to building the ideal Buddhist land, just like Tang, in Japan. Moreover, Kukai adjusted and changed Buddhist rituals in Heian period that he practiced esoteric Buddhist rituals in Tōdai-ji東大寺 in Heijō-kyō平城京, the Heian Palace and Tō-ji東寺 in Heian-kyō平安京 as new sacred space in Japan. Especially, Kukai took Temple Qinlong青龍寺of Tang as model to build Tō-ji in Heian-kyō in order to construct the ritual space for state-protection and defending the emperors in Japan. |
URI: | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/66961 |
DOI: | 10.6342/NTU202003624 |
Fulltext Rights: | 有償授權 |
Appears in Collections: | 歷史學系 |
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