重把乾綱握？──滿洲國帝制之成立與時人認識

Abstract

滿洲國在近代東亞歷史上，是一個頗具爭議的存在。這個國家是日本軍國主義擴張的產物，是日本殖民帝國的一部份；它的國家地位始終未曾得到國際社會普遍承認，在戰後的歷史敘事中常被視為「偽」國。然而，滿洲國卻也擁有作為一獨立國家的形式和意識形態，而許多當地政治人物和復辟派遺老也參與了國家建構與意識形態塑造的過程，這使它和日本其他的殖民地有著顯著的差異。 滿洲國的形成始於1931年的九一八事變。關東軍的一批青年將校發動了這場軍事冒險行動，將張學良勢力從東北驅逐出去，並試圖整合東北各省地方勢力和復辟派，建立獨立政權。但在這個過程中，關東軍對於當地輿論走向的掌握能力相當有限；具日資背景的《盛京時報》等主要媒體對建立新國家、擁立溥儀為元首等議題的立場曖昧不明。各種跡象顯示，當地多數居民難以萌發對於新國家的認同，也難以產生對作為元首的溥儀的忠誠。 1934年滿洲國實施帝制，溥儀登極成為滿洲國皇帝。滿洲國「王道主義」、「民族協和」意識形態強調傳統道德的恢復，是對民國的共和政體和三民主義意識形態的反動。於是王道主義的實踐，自然讓滿洲國的政治體制導向君主制政體。滿洲國帝制在理念和制度設計上兼具近代性與傳統性的特性，但對於帝制的支持者來說，溥儀作為清王朝繼承者的傳統性身份顯然更能激起其共鳴。在官方散佈的論述中，雖然始終否定滿洲國帝制與清朝復辟的關聯，但也將溥儀前清遜帝的身份與前清的歷史、政治遺產視為其正當性的來源。 滿日兩國關係的論述是日本對滿洲國實行支配的正當性來源。溥儀登極為皇帝後，於1935年赴日訪問，他的行程安排，以及他與日本皇族成員的互動，則可說是對滿日兩國間的權力關係架構的追認，而這種「日主滿從」的關係架構則透過傳媒的報導呈現在滿洲國人民眼前。回國後，溥儀積極介入〈回鑾訓民詔書〉的草擬，希望能藉機確立其政治權威，但這個意圖在詔書傳布的過程中未能得遂。隨著關東軍逐漸強化對滿支配以及全面戰爭的爆發，滿洲國最終徹底淪為日本的附庸，直至它在1945年因日本戰敗而覆亡。

The state of Manchukuo is a controversial issue in modern East Asian history. After the Second World War, Manchukuo is usually regarded as a puppet state of Japanese Empire, a “false” state dominated by the Kwantung Army in mainstream historical narrative. Nevertheless, Manchukuo was different from other Japanese colonies for having its own form and ideology as an independent state. Such phenomenon just reveals the complexity of the history and status of Manchukuo. The Mukden Incident(九一八事變), which occurred in 1931, was the prelude to Manchukuo. Throughout the incident the Kwantung Army expelled Zhang Xueliang(張學良) and his Northern East Army, and attempted to integrate local forces to found a new state. In spite of its victories in battlefields, the Kwantung Army could not completely control mass media in Manchuria. Shengjingshibao(《盛京時報》), the most popular and Japanese invested newspaper in Manchuria, presented indefinite attitude on two important issues: founding a new state and supporting Puyi(溥儀) as the headman. At the same time, most inhabitants in Manchuria were deficient in loyalty and identification to newborn Manchukuo and Puyi. As Manchukuo established its monarchy in 1934, Puyi was enthroned as the emperor of country. For a long time, Puyi and his courtiers seek to restore Qing dynasty and to rebuild traditional morality and order. Their restorable ideas affected the construction of ideology and political system of Manchukuo. Therefore the characteristics of Manchukuo monarchy and its Wangdao(王道, kingly-way), Minzuxiehe(民族協和, ethnic concordia) ideology blended traditional and modern factors. To ensure that Manchukuo is an independent state separating from China, the Kwantung Army and Manchukuo government must negative the connection between the founding of monarchy and the restoration of Qing. However, official propaganda materials usually took advantage of Puyi’s status as the deposed emperor and the successor of Qing dynasty to prove the legitimacy of Manchukuo monarchy and arouse people’s loyalty and patriotism toward the country. In fact, many supporters of Puyi also recognized his “traditional” characteristic rather than “modern” one. The discourse of Manchukuo-Japan relation was an important basis to justify Japan’s domination in Manchukuo. After enthroned, Puyi visited Japan in 1935. His itinerary in Japan and interaction with Japanese royal family members certified the rank between Manchukuo and Japan; such rank performed in front of people of Manchukuo throughout mass media and official propaganda. After the visit, Puyi had endeavored to confirm his authority by promulgating the Edict of Instruction to Subjects after Return(〈回鑾訓民詔書〉). In spite of these efforts, Puyi finally failed to dominate the state. As the Kwantung Army strengthened its domination, especially after the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, Manchukuo finally reduced to a puppet of Japan until the termination of the war in 1945.