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完整後設資料紀錄
DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
---|---|---|
dc.contributor.advisor | 郭銘傑(Jason Kuo) | |
dc.contributor.author | Yi-Chun Huang | en |
dc.contributor.author | 黃奕鈞 | zh_TW |
dc.date.accessioned | 2021-06-16T02:25:18Z | - |
dc.date.issued | 2021 | |
dc.date.submitted | 2021-03-31 | |
dc.identifier.citation | 王金壽,2004,〈瓦解中的地方派系:以屏東為例〉,《台灣社會學》,(7),177-207。 王鼎銘,2003,〈政策認同下的投票效用與選擇:空間投票理論在不同選舉制度間的比較〉,《選舉研究》,10(1):171-206。 王鼎銘、范恩邦,2010,〈立委參選人競選支出的選舉效果:Jacobson支出理論在台灣新選制下的再驗〉,《台灣政治學刊》,14(2):3-35。 王業立,2006,〈縣市層級選舉與分立政府〉,收錄於廖達琪主編,《民主化、全球化、議會角色-慶祝高雄改制院轄市25周年》,高雄:中山大學政治學研究所,199-211。 王宏文、柯昀伶、孫寧,2018,《地方派系的資源配置策略:以嘉義縣社區營造資源為例的個案研究》,《人文及社會科學集刊》,30(2):163-205。 吳重禮,1998,〈SNTV的省思:弊端肇因或是代罪羔羊?〉,《問題與研究》,41(3):45-60。 吳重禮、許文賓,2003,〈誰是政黨認同者與獨立選民?-以二○○一年台灣地區選民政黨認同的決定因素為例〉,《政治科學論叢》,(18):101-140。 吳宜侃,2005,〈SNTV選制下“立法委員連任勝選幅度模型”建立之嘗試-以第四屆區域立委為例〉,《臺灣民主季刊》,2(2):71-99。 呂孟威,2014,《縣市長與縣市議員政黨得票的連動關係》,台北:政治大學碩士論文。 李世化,2015,《雲林縣地方派系瓦解與轉折:以唐斯的政經市場分析》,嘉義:國立中正大學碩士學位論文。 李承訓,2019,《政見有用嗎?立法委員政見與立法表現的關聯性探索》,高雄:國立中山大學博士論文。 余家炘,2015,《選制變遷對立法委員連任之影響》,台北:國立政治大學碩士論文。 林長志、黃紀,2007,〈不同層級選舉中之一致與分裂投票:2005年台北縣之分析,《問題與研究》,46(1):1-32。 林東穎,2010,《立法委員競選政見的提出與選後立法表現的連結性─以第六、七屆高雄市立法委員為例》,高雄:國立中山大學碩士論文。 林韋孜,2020,《選區規模對政黨競爭的影響》,臺北:國立政治大學碩士論文。 周宛蓉,2009,《台灣國會選制改革對政黨競爭形態的影響 邁向地方型或全國化的選舉競爭》,台北:國立臺灣大學碩士論文。 莊卓穎,2015,《臺灣成形中之地方政治新生態初探:從縣市層級選舉觀察臺中市與嘉義縣地方派系》,台北:國立臺灣大學碩士論文。 黃向群,2004,《台北市議員選舉之研究(1986~2002)---析論民進黨的角色與運作》,台北:臺灣大學國家發展研究所碩士論文。 黃國棟,2014,《臺北市議員競選政見之政策類型分析—以臺北市第11屆議員選舉為例》台北:世新大學行政管理學研究所碩士論文。 趙卿惠,2017,《民進黨台南執政侍從結構變遷之研究,1993~2013》,高雄:國立中山大學博士學位論文。 紀沅玲,2013,《影響2010年臺中市市長暨議員選舉之選民投票抉擇因素》,台中:中興大學國家政策與公共事務研究所學位論文。 陳介玄,1997,〈派系網絡、樁腳網絡及俗民網絡:論台灣地方派系形成之社會意義〉,《地方社會》:31-67。 陳陸輝、連偉廷,2008,〈知性、黨性與資訊-台灣民眾政治效能感的分析。臺灣民主季刊〉,5(3):121-156。 陳冠均,2018,《競選策略研究:以2018 年首次參選臺北市議員之候選人為例》,台北:國立政治大學碩士論文。 張傳賢,2012,〈政黨認同、負面資訊的競爭與選民投票抉擇:2010年五都選舉的實證研究〉,《選舉研究》,19(2):37-70。 盛杏湲,2014,〈再探選區服務與立法問政:選制改革前後的比較〉,東吳政治學報,32(2):65-116。 楊婉瑩、陳宏哲,2017,〈呷碗內、看碗外?選區重疊度與開放性對於議員參與立委提名的影響〉,《東吳政治學報》,35(3):1-70。 盧信宏,2011,《誰取代了侍從主義?政治分歧與選制變遷下雲林縣政治連結的持續與變遷》,台北:國立臺灣大學論士論文。 廖達琪、林福仁、黃郁慈、劉子昱、李承訓,2012,〈台灣立法委員政見資料庫之建置〉,《選舉研究》,19 (2):129-158。 廖達琪,2018,〈公民如何能知?-iVoter的民主實作經驗檢視〉,《臺灣民主季刊》,15(1):121-127。 羅清俊,2008,〈小規模立法委員選區的分配政治-選民對於補助利益的期待〉,《臺灣民主季刊》,5(4):47-85。 Aldrich, John. 2011. 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dc.identifier.uri | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/53516 | - |
dc.description.abstract | 為什麼縣市議員候選人在地方選舉中提出全國性政見?很少臺灣研究提供議員候選人的政見制定行為的詳細解釋。本文認為,縣市議員候選人為了因應黨內競爭而提出全國性政見,以建立個人特色來提升自己在選區的可識別度。在這篇文章中,我們結合來自2018年南部議員選舉的觀察性數據和質性訪談來驗證這項假設。我們找到黨內競爭會影響民進黨籍候選人提出全國性政見的動機的強烈證據;同時,全國性政見也提升候選人在選區內的可識別度。但是此一現象並未出現在國民黨籍議員候選人身上。這些發現擴展我們對地方選舉制度和立法者行為關係的認知。綜合以上,我們也基於這些研究發現來討論未來研究方向。 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract | Why do county and city councilors present national manifestos in local elections? I argue that municipal councilors present national manifestos for intraparty competition. It could enhance their personal identities in the electoral constituency by establishing their candidate traits. In this study, I combine observational data from the southern Taiwan council election in 2018 and qualitative interviews to examine this hypothesis. My findings suggest that motivations of presenting national manifestos were boosted by intraparty competition among DPP candidates. In the meantime, it enhanced their personal identities in the electoral constituency. However, this trend did not show on KMT candidates. These findings expand our knowledge of the local electoral system and legislator behavioral relationship. To sum up, I also discuss future research based on these studies. | en |
dc.description.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2021-06-16T02:25:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 U0001-3103202103372700.pdf: 5256200 bytes, checksum: fdd7da7b5f17e7c944b6b83b5d70332f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2021 | en |
dc.description.tableofcontents | 口試委員會審定書 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ⅰ 謝辭 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ⅱ 中文摘要 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ⅲ 英文摘要 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ⅳ 1 緒論 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.1 研究問題 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.2 研究目的 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.3 章節安排 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 2 文獻回顧 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 2.1 為什麼全國性政見會出現在地方選舉 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 2.2 選民如何看待地方選舉中的全國性政見 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 3 理論假設與研究設計 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 3.1 理論建構 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 3.2 研究範圍與設計 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 3.3 資料來源與變項操作化 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 3.4 訪談設計 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 4 政見編碼 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 4.1 全國性政見定義 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 4.2 政見類型編碼 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 4.3 政見編碼結果 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 5 候選人層次的研究發現 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 5.1 描述性統計 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 5.2 計量模型 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 5.3 議員候選人提出全國性政見的動機 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 5.4 全國性政見如何吸引候選人可識別度 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 6 結論與討論 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 6.1 研究發現 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 6.2 研究限制與未來展望 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 參考文獻 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 附錄一 變項編碼表 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 附錄二 迴歸分析完整結果 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 附錄三 訪談邀請信與訪談提綱 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 | |
dc.language.iso | zh-TW | |
dc.title | 地方選舉制度與全國性政見:以臺灣南部四縣市議員選舉為例 | zh_TW |
dc.title | Local Electoral System and National Manifestos: A Study on Four Southern City and County Council Candidates in Taiwan | en |
dc.type | Thesis | |
dc.date.schoolyear | 109-2 | |
dc.description.degree | 碩士 | |
dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | 俞振華(Eric Chen-hua Yu),鮑彤(Nathan F. Batto) | |
dc.subject.keyword | 黨內競爭,縣市議員選舉,單記不可讓渡投票制,競選政見, | zh_TW |
dc.subject.keyword | Intraparty Competition,City and County Council Elections,SNTV Electoral System,Campaign Promise, | en |
dc.relation.page | 77 | |
dc.identifier.doi | 10.6342/NTU202100812 | |
dc.rights.note | 有償授權 | |
dc.date.accepted | 2021-03-31 | |
dc.contributor.author-college | 社會科學院 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.author-dept | 政治學研究所 | zh_TW |
顯示於系所單位: | 政治學系 |
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