從再起到挫折－－兩宋之交舊黨復權的政治史考察（1104-1142）

Abstract

本論文旨在分析兩宋之交（1104-1142）舊黨恢復政治權利的過程及其與既有政治制度的互動，以了解新舊黨爭對宋代徽宗朝（1100-1126）以後政治的影響，並增進我們對宋代政治文化的認識。北宋末年，新舊黨爭由於君權的介入而走向殘暴化，終演變為徽宗朝的元祐黨籍、元祐學術之禁，其中伴隨著一連串迫害舊黨官員及其親族的命令。然而黨禁在崇寧三年（1104）之元祐黨籍達到高峰後，即轉趨緩和。隨著幾次大赦，黨人與其子弟的生活已有明顯改善，一些人甚至得到祠祿或基層的地方差遣。學禁則因政府難以控制私人講學，禁令在官學系統外，效果並不明顯。在此背景下，部分黨人家族，聚居在鄰近開封的大郡，購置田宅、建立起社交網絡，把握出仕的機會，以替有朝一日政治情勢轉變時的復出做準備。至金人入侵促使徽宗禪位後，靖康元年（1126）二月欽宗（1126-1127在位）終於將黨禁、學禁徹底解除，隨後舊黨士人得以出掌朝廷要職。這時他們開始聲討新黨的罪行，替其他舊黨士人爭取復權，但因為國勢危急，欽宗傾向擱置新舊黨爭的爭議，對舊黨人士的訴求多不支持。隔年（1127）在金人廢黜宋朝皇帝，改立前宰相張邦昌（1081-1127）為帝後，原是舊黨子孫的呂好問（1064-1131）建請張邦昌迎接已被廢黜的元祐皇后孟氏（1073-1131）入宮聽政，隨後孟氏又將政權託付給高宗（1127-1162在位），才使宋朝的國祚獲得延續。高宗深知元祐皇后因同情舊黨而被廢的歷史爭議對南宋政權合法性具有影響；加上靖康之難後，政府必須指明致禍的緣由，於是指徽宗朝長期掌權的新黨為誤國的奸臣，而舊黨則是受到打壓的忠賢，並多次頒布為舊黨恢復官職、錄用子孫的詔令。但是由於國勢不穩、元祐黨籍佚失、制度限制等因素，要直到建炎四年（1130）冬，舊黨的復權才算真正地展開。隨著黨人的復權實質推動，黨籍上的黨人是否皆屬舊黨、曾否變節等問題就浮現了。加上進入政府的黨人及其子弟或因才能不符預期，或觸犯法禁，甚至捲入朝廷的政治鬥爭，都一再引發爭議。復出的舊黨子弟、門生憑藉其先人，享有很高的名聲，遂成為宰執大臣攏絡的對象。在紹興元年（1131）秦檜（1091-1155）首度拜相時開啟此風氣後，至紹興四至六年（1134-1137年初）趙鼎（1085-1147）第一次任相時期達到高峰。趙鼎援引了大批舊黨子弟、門生構成其主要支持者，嘗試落實與民休息的元祐政治理想，並依據舊黨的立場改修《神宗實錄》、《哲宗實錄》，但遭到不滿獨尊舊黨的張浚（1097-1164）所挑戰。趙鼎第二度任相（1137-1138）時，又因為在和戰問題上的猶豫不定，被堅持議和的高宗與秦檜逐出朝廷。紹興八年（1138）以後，高宗日漸將權力專委於秦檜，加緊對士人言論的控制。除為了鞏固和議外，高宗與秦檜作為現實主義者，即便他們曾為拉攏人心而支持舊黨，其實不願新、舊黨的問題繼續引發爭議，高宗尤不喜臣下批判自己父親徽宗的統治。大約至紹興十二年（1142），秦檜專權體制確立，官員以舊黨繼承者的身分批判前朝不再被允許，舊黨的復權至此可說已經結束。

This thesis seeks to study the political rehabilitation of the jiudang (anti-reform faction) in the early 12th century China, especially its process and interaction with existing political institutions. Thereby I hope to improve our understanding of the enduring influences left by the factional conflicts over the reform movement initiated in the reign of Emperor Shenzong (r. 1067-1085), and more generally, of the political culture of Song China. In late Northern Song, through the intervention of emperors and empress regents, the conflicts between the xindang (reform faction) and the jiudang brutalized, which culminated in Emperor Huizong (r. 1100-1126)’s bans on “Yuanyou faction” and “Yuanyou learning.” Soon most of the jiudang officials and their families were deprived of political privileges. However, after the climactic blacklist in 1104, the persecution was gradually alleviated, especially by the promulgation of amnesties. Then some of the factionalists’ families settled in the prefectures near Kaifeng, purchased farmland and dwellings, built social networks, and seized any opportunity for official appointment. All their endeavors were in preparation for an unpredictable comeback in the future. In early 1126, the invasion of Jurchens prompted Emperor Qinzong (r. 1126-1127) to abolish the bans imposed on the jiudang. However, when the resurgent jiudang officials appealed for comprehensive rehabilitation, Qinzong lent little support due to the pressing military crisis. In the spring of 1127, after the Jurchens captured the Song emperors, Ex-empress Meng of Yuanyou (1073-1131), an imperial woman twice deposed for being thought to sympathize with the jiudang, was installed as empress dowager and regent, and then she entrusted the regime to Emperor Gaozong (r. 1127-1162). Gaozong knew that the historical controversies surrounding Empress Dowager Meng endangered the legitimacy of his regime. Besides, Gaozong needed to use the xindang and the reform as scapegoats for the decline of the Song dynasty. Thus the rehabilitation of the jiudang officials was proclaimed to restore their official titles and grant their male issue official appointment. Yet, controversies continued as the jiudang regained power. Owing to the prestige the jiudang officials left behind, their descendants and disciples were often cajoled by ambitious chief councilors, thus entangled in power struggles. For instance, Zhao Ding (1085-1147) recruited numerous officials of jiudang background to form his base of support, and attempted to implement the Yuanyou political ideal of “allowing the people to rest.” Nonetheless, they were challenged by Zhang Jun (1097-1164), who was discontent with the veneration of the jiudang. Later in 1138, Zhao Ding was crippled by his staggering attitude to the peace negotiation between Song and Jin, only to be expelled from court by Gaozong and Qin Kuai, who were resolved to make peace. After 1138, the speech of scholar-officials was growingly restricted. Even criticizing the previous reigns on behalf of the jiudang was no longer allowed around 1142. Although Gaozong and Qin Kuai once supported the jiudang to strengthen their political appeal, in fact they were long tired of the decades-long controversies over the late Northern Song reform. Officials’ criticism of his father Huizong’s rule even more embarrassed Gaozong. As a result, when the jiudang lost its political significance, its politically meaningful rehabilitation ended.