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DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
---|---|---|
dc.contributor.advisor | 洪鎌德(Lien-Te Hung) | |
dc.contributor.author | Yu-Hsin Liao | en |
dc.contributor.author | 廖育信 | zh_TW |
dc.date.accessioned | 2021-06-13T00:03:03Z | - |
dc.date.available | 2007-08-01 | |
dc.date.copyright | 2007-08-01 | |
dc.date.issued | 2007 | |
dc.date.submitted | 2007-07-30 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/28223 | - |
dc.description.abstract | 本文探討在全球化之下影響台灣國家認同的內外部因素。前兩章分別為緒論與文獻檢閱,擬定研究動機與目的、研究途徑、研究方法,之後分別針對全球化、國家認同、政治經濟學及經濟發展理論相關文獻進行檢閱。之後依循歷史脈絡,在第三章探討台灣國家認同的起源與發展。台灣在日本統治時期,台灣意識、台灣認同成形,然而國民黨接收台灣之後在經濟上的過度汲取導致二二八事件,加之白色恐怖與戒嚴、動員戡亂時期之高壓統治,在文化上強力灌輸大中華文化。台灣被逐出聯合國之後經歷外交挫敗,本土化論述與政治改革的要求在威權體制鬆動前後搬上檯面。第四至第六章探討台灣民主化之後受全球化浪潮下國家認同的轉向。在解除戒嚴之後,台灣與中國的交往常態化,同時台灣也積極進行民主化與脫去臨時體制。此時台灣已經不再與中國爭奪「中國代表權」,在教育政策上則提升鄉土教育和地方語言的地位,但在國家認同上,住民逐漸傾向維持現狀以避免與中共衝突。台灣的經濟貿易發展由原先側重美國與日本,轉向依賴中國市場。雖然台灣服膺國際的資本與技術流向,然而多數國家卻漠視台灣的主權國家之地位。由於國際局勢丕變,台商與中共的互動與泛藍媒體與陣營使得民進黨的少數政府難以凝聚國家正常化的共識。雖然中國意圖使台灣屈服於「一國兩制」的鳥籠統一,然而台灣與歐盟、日本保持良好的非官方關係與經貿互動,加上台灣在世界貿易組織架構之下,台灣與中國能保持若干距離,然而台灣模糊的國家認同與國家定位依然使台灣的國家走向成為未定之數。
本文發現全球化與國家認同皆包含多個面向。全球化的出現不但標誌美蘇冷戰的終結,國際組織數量與功能的增加也挑戰國家的職能。就台灣來說,由於朝野政黨對立,和住民本身對身分認同、文化認同、政治認同看法不一,因此難以形成一致的國家認同。在政策上,政府應當更注重本土化的教育和地方母語,制訂合身的憲法,尋求國際分工的定位與優勢,經由全球化網路拓展台灣住民的國際視野,以迎接全球化加速的趨勢。 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract | This doctoral dissertation deals with the impact of globalization on the problem of the national identity of Taiwan. In the first two chapters, the treatise introduces the purpose of the research and reviews the relevant literatures on globalization, national identity and history and politics of Taiwan and finally her political economy.
In the third chapter it analyzes the formation of national identity before the democratization of Taiwan in terms of historical approach. The Taiwan’s consciousness and identity was formed and expanded during Japan’s occupation. As the World War Two led to its end, the Kuomintang which was defeated by the CCP came to occupy Taiwan as its new colonial territory. Chiang Kai-shek’s authoritarian regime and its relentless exploitation of the island’s economic resources resulted in the uprising of the islanders and led to their massacre. The so-called 28, February 1947 incident and its ensuing “white terror” put the Taiwanese living in the yoke and terror of the “28th February” shadow. This is notorious the period of ruling of martial law and the period of mobilization for the suppression of Communist rebellion. During this severe time the KMT regime forced the Taiwanese to use “Kuo-yu” as the only official language and inculcated the people with the ideology of anticommunism, and practiced brutal and ruthless suppression as well as thought control using the pretext of “Great Chinese Culture”. However, when her represents were expelled from the United Nation (UN), the myth of “Taiwan equals to ROC” was broken to pieces. Subsequently, the voices of political reform and localization were demanded by the indigenous islanders and the authoritarian was gradually loosened. In the forth to sixth chapters, the treatise discusses the turn of the development of Taiwan’s national identity under democratization and the appearance of globalization. During the democratization of Eastern European countries, the first Taiwanese Presidential Lee Teng-hui began to abolish the martial law and lifted the ban of shipping and traveling to and from Mainland China. Under the contact of the semi-official organizations between the Taiwan Strait, there were gigantic growth in trade and investment between Taiwan and China, though most of them had gone through the third country. The transitory and transformative period toward democratization met its end in the early stage of 1990s, while Taiwan’s national identity was shifted from pro-independent or pro-mainland to keep into the ambivalent status quo, from “Taiwanese” or “Chinese” to “a Taiwanese, and a Chinese”. At that period of time, Taiwan still proclaimed itself as the territory of “Republic of China”, however the reality forced Taiwan to abolish its official representation for China. The KMT leaders under Lee Teng-hui had promoted the liberal education and local dialects, but the most voters seemed to favor maintaining the status quo due to military threat of China. Although Taiwan follows the trends of international capital and technology flow, and has significant ability of trading and investment, most of countries brush Taiwan aside as a sovereign state and reject its participation in the most of international organizations. As Taiwan leans gradually on China in economic activities and trading, the minority government DPP, finds it difficult to forge common consensus of making Taiwan as a normal country. Although Taiwan can keep some distance from China, however China’s leaders never cease their intention to impose on Taiwan the policy of “one China, two systems” and try hard to merge Taiwan into China using the mode of Hong Kong and Macao. Thus, Taiwan is allowed to can keep non-official relationships and economic and trading relations with USA, European Union and Japan. According Peking’s view, Taiwan could be tolerated enters World Trade Organization under the assistance of USA, but get diplomatic recognition only from two dozens minor members of the United Nations. Even Taiwan has been democratized and experiencing globalization, the vagueness on national identity still makes the pathway of the future Taiwan risky and vagueness. Anyway, this treatise finds that both globalization and national identity contain many dimensions. The appearing of globalization marks the end of the cold-war and challenges the function of the states during augmenting of features and quantity of international organizations. In the case of Taiwan, the hybridity and complexity of ethnics, cultural, and political identity, led Taiwanese merely to struggle for the agreement on national identity, especially in the process globalization and difficult situation gaining foreign recognition. This dissertation finally suggests that Taiwan’s rulers should pay more attention to local education and promote mother languages for its people. Taiwan should have a suitable and practical constitution, and seek to pursue relative advantage in international division of labor. It should widen its network and activities in order to expand Taiwanese’s vision on global affairs and to respond the challenge of the high speeding of globalization process. | en |
dc.description.provenance | Made available in DSpace on 2021-06-13T00:03:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ntu-96-D89341004-1.pdf: 2015335 bytes, checksum: 6da9e5b2236dac09054a6d0d066c1fe8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 | en |
dc.description.tableofcontents | 章 節 目 錄
第一章 緒論………………………………………………………………………1 第一節 研究動機與研究目的………………………………………………1 第二節 研究假設與研究命題………………………………………………3 第三節 研究方法與研究途徑………………………………………………4 第四節 研究架構與研究流程………………………………………………6 第二章 文獻回顧……………………………………………………………… 11 第一節 全球化相關文獻回顧…………………………………………… 11 第二節 國家認同相關文獻回顧………………………………………… 35 第三節 政治經濟學與發展理論………………………………………… 43 第四節 台灣國家認同諸問題的相關文獻……………………………… 57 第三章 台灣國家認同的形成與發展………………………………………… 79 第一節 台灣國家認同的起源…………………………………………… 79 第二節 二二八事件及白色恐怖對國家認同的衝擊…………………… 94 第三節 反對運動與意識形態的禁錮……………………………………104 第四章 全球化的開展與台灣國家認同的轉變………………………………121 第一節 「蘇東波變天」與世界新局勢的開展…………………………121 第二節 台灣的民主化和世界重新接軌…………………………………132 第三節 全球化台海兩岸關係與統獨論述的消長………………………147 第四節 全球化下台灣國家認同轉變的要素……………………………160 第五章 全球化影響台灣國家認同之內外部因素……………………………177 第一節 全球化下區域安全、經貿與國家主權的關係…………………177 第二節 影響台灣國家認同的內部因素…………………………………197 第三節 影響台灣國家認同的外部因素…………………………………220 第六章 全球化下台灣國家認同的展望………………………………………249 第一節 21世紀初台灣政經發展的新局…………………………………249 第二節 未來影響台灣政經結構與國家認同的可能因素………………261 第三節 台灣國家認同的可能趨向………………………………………279 第七章 結論……………………………………………………………………295 第一節 研究成果…………………………………………………………295 第二節 政策建言…………………………………………………………297 參考文獻…………………………………………………………………………301 圖 目 錄 圖1.1 研究流程圖……………………………………………………………………8 圖1.2 研究架構圖……………………………………………………………………9 圖2.1 全球化與政社、經文、資訊相互鏈結示意圖 ……………………………26 圖2.2 全球化、國家認同、政經發展、網際網路等議題之糾結性………………57 圖2.3 從中國的觀點對「一個中國」論述的邏輯推移……………………………63 圖3.1 台灣與中國兩地住民對日本的態度示意圖………………………………113 圖4.1 全球化過程對台灣的衝擊示意圖…………………………………………128 圖4.2 解嚴前後國中歷史教科書內容所呈現的國家認同比較圖………………165 圖4.3統獨意識光譜與相關論述…………………………………………………169 圖5.1 台灣住民對兩岸直接通航之意見…………………………………………227 圖5.2 中國與台灣政經互動及對台灣的衝擊……………………………………230 圖5.3 外交使兩岸局勢不安與贊否維持發展外交之調查………………………242 圖5.4 民眾對兩岸關係與外交關係孰重之看法…………………………………242 圖5.5 中國與台灣局勢消長之累積循環因果……………………………………243 圖6.1 正常國家之合法政府制憲過程……………………………………………275 圖6.2 台灣住民統獨立場之演變趨勢……………………………………………281 圖6.3 以中國為中心的台灣認同…………………………………………………289 圖6.4 建構中的台灣認同…………………………………………………………290 表 目 錄 表2.1全球化之界定:三個流派 …………………………………………………29 表2.2 學者對全球化的認知 ………………………………………………………35 表2.3 政治學和經濟學的一種概括表 ……………………………………………46 表2.4 「一個中國」各種界說整理表……………………………………………62 表4.1兩岸住民旅遊往來人數表(1987-2006)………………………………141 表4.2台灣歷代各時期的特質之一覽表…………………………………………151 表4.3 兩岸大事與重要政策(1949-1998)……………………………………158 表5.1 四種國際關係理論之比較…………………………………………………182 表5.2 中華民國各時期的「適當」稱謂 ………………………………………209 表5.3 兩岸貿易佔雙方外貿相對比重之比較(1984-2006)……………………228 表5.4 台商政治角色的類型………………………………………………………233 表6.1 台灣與中國未來可能的走向…………………………………………291-292 | |
dc.language.iso | zh-TW | |
dc.title | 全球化對台灣國家認同的影響 | zh_TW |
dc.title | The impact of Globalization on the National Identity of Taiwan | en |
dc.type | Thesis | |
dc.date.schoolyear | 95-2 | |
dc.description.degree | 博士 | |
dc.contributor.oralexamcommittee | 陳文賢(Wen-Shen Chen),楊世雄(Shih-Shiung Yang),陳延輝(Yen-Huei Chen),施正鋒(Jenn-Feng Shih) | |
dc.subject.keyword | 國家認同,全球化,「一個中國」原則,網際網路,世界貿易組織,二二八事件,媒體,日本,美國,中國, | zh_TW |
dc.subject.keyword | National identity,globalization,“One China” Policy,internet,World Trade Organization,28th February uprising,media,Japan,USA,China, | en |
dc.relation.page | 351 | |
dc.rights.note | 有償授權 | |
dc.date.accepted | 2007-07-31 | |
dc.contributor.author-college | 社會科學院 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.author-dept | 國家發展研究所 | zh_TW |
顯示於系所單位: | 國家發展研究所 |
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