民主進步黨離島立法委員競選策略之研究：2012澎湖縣立委選舉之個案分析

Abstract

2005年第七次修憲的關鍵在於改革我國立法委員選舉制度，由複數選區單記不可讓渡投票制（SNTV）改為「單一選區相對多數兩票制」期盼藉由改變競選行為提振選舉風氣，改革地方派系與金權政治。台灣各地自國會全面改選以來一直採用SNTV的選舉制度，澎湖縣因為僅有一席立委代表，選舉區域又包含整各縣市，自1992年以來，選舉制度實際採用的是單一選區相對多數決。 單一選區容易形成現任者優勢的論點或許可由林炳坤五連霸澎湖縣立法委員職務得到驗證。林炳坤自1995年當選第三屆澎湖縣立法委員開始，方面累積深厚人脈、掌控選區內重要的政經勢力；另一方面藉由公共建設的推動作為政績以取得選民的投票支持，林炳坤歷經1998年（第四屆）、2001年（第五屆）、2004年（第六屆）、2008年（第七屆）順利連任，儼然成為澎湖政壇重要領袖，被尊稱為「澎湖王」。 民進黨在澎湖全縣選舉的類別中，贏得席次的選舉僅有2次，分別是1993年第十一屆縣長補選與同年底第十二屆縣長選舉，由高植澎醫師代表民進黨贏得縣長席次，爾後18年不論在總統、縣長、立委得票率上皆未過半，特別是在立委選舉得票率尚未超過4成。民進黨立委候選人遭遇的對手一直都是五連霸的立委林炳坤，其得票率低落與敗選的原因究竟是政黨結構造成？抑或是選舉策略選擇不當？還是有其他因素的影響？2012年第八屆立法委員選舉，代表民進黨參選的現任縣議員楊曜竟然意外擊敗尋求六連霸的林炳坤，究竟是林炳坤勢力衰退，喪失現任優勢？還是民進黨選舉策略有何調整？是否與總統、立委合併選舉有關？

離島的選舉研究專文並不普遍，本文藉由2012年立委選舉個案探討民進黨在澎湖縣選舉的競選策略，希望能將研究結果提供未來候選人與研究者做為參考。

The key purposes of Taiwan’s 7th Constitutional amendment completed in 2005, was for a desired reform on its legislative electoral system. The electoral system was consequently changed from the original ‘single nontransferable vote (SNTV)’ to the current ‘single-member district dual ballot system’. By altering the campaign behavior, the lawmakers were expecting some uplifting electoral sphere for the reforms on local factions, and also plutocracy. Taiwan’s local elections had adopted the SNTV system ever since the total reelection of its parliament. Penghu county is allocated for only one seat in the parliament, and the actual electoral district range covers the whole county, and thus Penghu has practically implemented single-member district dual ballot system ever since 1992. Single-member district could easily benefit the incumbent member. The point could be demonstrated d by analyzing how Legislator Lin Pin-Kun won continuous five legislative elections in Penghu. In1995, Lin won his seat in the 3rd Taiwanese parliament, on one hand, he then has successfully developed his interpersonal network, and controlled the political and economic groups within his district. On the other hand, he began to request for more finance for the local intra-structures, and thus, to increase his public supports. Lin was subsequently reelected to the 4th (1998), 5th (2001), 6th (2004) and 7th (2008) parliament, and became a significant political leader in Penghu. Many have called him: ‘the King of Penghu’. The Democratic Progressive Party has only won two local elections in Penghu, and they were respectively the 11th Magistrate’s by-election and the 12th Magistrate’s election won by Dr Kao Chih-Peng. Noticeably, the DPP then never won more than 50 per cent of Penghu’s total vote in the next eighteen years, not in the presidential, magistrate’s, nor in the parliamentary elections. With the parliamentary elections, in particular, the DPP has not gained over 40 per cent of the votes.. Lin Pin-Kun has always been DPP’s only opponent in Penghu. One should pose many questions on DPP’s lost. Were the DPP’s losses in Penghu a cause of the existing political structure? Was it simply a result of unsuccessful choice of electoral strategies? Or were there other main factors that determined the outcomes of the elections? It has surprised many, Yang Yao, a DPP nominated candidate, defeated Lin Pin-Kun who sought to win his 6th reelections in 2012. Did Lin lose his advantages? Did the DPP somehow adjust their campaign strategies? Or Was is relevant to the merge of presidential and parliamentary elections? These were a few interesting questions ought to be answered through this research. The literatures and separate researches on elections of remote islands are not particularly common. This research paper seeks to investigate the DPP’s campaign strategies in Penghu by analyzing its legislative elections in 2012, and hopefully the research outcome would later provide some useful references for the future candidates and researchers.