1920年代魯迅自我認同的形成與衝突

Abstract

本文以1925至1927年的魯迅為中心，探討其自我認同在革命政治中的形成、衝突與行動。1927年國共統一陣線的瓦解與清黨，常被視為魯迅思想的轉捩點，如由進化論轉向階級論、由個人走向集體、由啟蒙邁向革命。本文嘗試修正此一線性或具終點的敘事，避免將魯迅思想中的矛盾化約為歷時性的斷裂或轉向。本文重新界定魯迅矛盾的性質，實為一種共時並存、反覆拉扯，且跨越不同時期反覆出現的狀態，本文稱此為一種共時性的矛盾。並據此探問若魯迅的矛盾始終未獲整合，其何以仍能持續判斷、選擇與行動？本文以1925至1927年間的雜文為主要材料，輔以同時代報刊，循思想結構與文學實踐兩條軸線展開。 首先，本文從魯迅的進化論思想出發，分析其如何在傳統與反傳統、青年與老年的對立中重新定位自身。1925年前後的女師大風潮、1926年的三一八慘案與1927年的清黨，使魯迅對青年、革命與啟蒙皆產生深刻懷疑，並意識到被寄予希望的青年也可能成為加害結構的一環。然而，清黨所動搖的是進化論作為歷史敘事的線性圖像，其作為價值判準的選擇邏輯並未隨之失效。魯迅仍以生存為取捨依據，在未否定希望的同時，拒斥將未來視為不變的終極目的，並用以合理化犧牲的「黃金世界」想像。本文將其保留希望、拒絕終極目的，並持續對既有秩序保持批判的實踐邏輯，概括為「永遠革命」。 其次，本文轉向文學與政治的關係，考察「無話可說」的形成及其書寫實踐。「無話可說」並非驟然於清黨生成的產物，這是自女師大風潮、三一八慘案以來，言說在表達與理解層面反覆失效，並進一步動搖其文人與知識分子的自我定位所累積而成。然而，「無話可說」並未導向真正的沉默，魯迅在清楚自覺語言「無用」的狀況下，仍持續書寫雜文，構成一種不說的說。意即以書寫留下痕跡、拒絕交出話語權，使雜文兼具抵抗性與政治性，既介入時政、表達革命觀，也在國共兩黨對其形象的收編中，成為魯迅介入政治分類、反擊外界標籤並爭奪自我定義權的政治實踐。 本文認為，魯迅的自我認同不應以最終歸屬的立場界定，而應以其在矛盾中判斷、選擇與行動的方式來辨認。魯迅的個案顯示，在近代中國由「轉型時代」邁向「主義時代」的過程中，知識分子的自我認同未必只能由最終的政治歸屬理解，也可能形成於個人判斷、集體要求與持續行動之間的張力。此為理解革命政治浪潮下知識分子的複雜心態，提供另一種可能。

This thesis focuses on Lu Xun between 1925 and 1927 and examines the formation, conflicts, and enactment of his self-identity within revolutionary politics. The collapse of the First United Front between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the ensuing Party Purge in 1927 have often been regarded as a turning point in Lu Xun’s thought, marked by such shifts as from evolutionary theory to class analysis, from the individual to the collective, and from enlightenment to revolution. This thesis seeks to revise this linear narrative and to avoid reducing the contradictions in Lu Xun’s thought to diachronic ruptures or transitions. Instead, it redefines the nature of these contradictions as a condition in which conflicting positions coexisted synchronically, remained in persistent tension, and repeatedly resurfaced across different periods. I refer to this condition as “synchronic contradiction.” On this basis, the thesis asks: if Lu Xun’s contradictions were never fully reconciled, how was he nevertheless able to continue judging, choosing, and acting? Taking his essays (zawen) from 1925 to 1927 as its primary sources, supplemented by contemporary newspapers and periodicals, this thesis develops its analysis along two axes: intellectual structure and literary practice. First, the thesis begins with Lu Xun’s engagement with evolutionary thought and analyzes how he repositioned himself within the oppositions between tradition and anti-tradition, and between youth and old age. The Beijing Women’s Normal College Incident around 1925, the March Eighteenth Massacre of 1926, and the Party Purge of 1927 led Lu Xun to develop profound doubts about youth, revolution, and enlightenment, and to recognize that the youth in whom hope had been invested could themselves become part of structures of violence. Yet what the Party Purge destabilized was the linear conception of history embedded in evolutionary thought; its logic of choice as a criterion of value did not thereby cease to operate. Lu Xun continued to take survival as a basis for judgment and choice. While refusing to abandon hope, he rejected the idea of treating the future as a fixed and ultimate end, as well as the imagined “golden world” invoked to justify sacrifice in its name. This thesis conceptualizes the practical logic through which Lu Xun preserved hope, rejected ultimate ends, and sustained his critique of established orders as “perpetual revolution.” Second, the thesis turns to the relationship between literature and politics and examines the emergence of Lu Xun’s sense of having “nothing to say” and the writing practices that developed from it. This sense of having “nothing to say” did not suddenly emerge as a consequence of the 1927 Party Purge. Rather, it accumulated through repeated failures of speech at the levels of both expression and understanding since the Beijing Women’s Normal College Incident and the March Eighteenth Massacre, failures that further destabilized Lu Xun’s self-positioning as a man of letters and an intellectual. Yet having “nothing to say” did not result in actual silence. Even with a clear awareness of the “uselessness” of language, Lu Xun continued to write zawen, thereby producing a form of “speaking without speaking.” Through writing, he left traces and refused to relinquish his right to speak. Zawen thus acquired both resistant and political dimensions: it intervened in contemporary affairs and articulated his understanding of revolution, while also serving, amid attempts by both the KMT and the CCP to appropriate his public image, as a form of political practice through which Lu Xun intervened in political classifications, contested labels imposed upon him, and struggled for the right to define himself. This thesis argues that Lu Xun’s self-identity should not be defined in terms of the political position to which he ultimately belonged, but rather identified through the ways in which he continued to judge, choose, and act amid unresolved contradictions. Lu Xun’s case demonstrates that, as modern China moved from an “age of transition” toward an “age of isms,” the self-identity of intellectuals need not be understood solely through their eventual political affiliations. It could also take shape within the tensions among individual judgment, collective demands, and sustained action. This perspective offers an alternative approach to understanding the complex mentalities of intellectuals amid the tides of revolutionary politics.