http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/105 2026-04-01T06:57:36Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/40141 標題: 高風險的性？從男同志轟趴參與者的性實作檢視「多重性伴侶」的愛滋風險論述; High-Risk Sex? Examining the HIV/AIDS Risk Discourse of “Multiple Sexual Partnership” from Gay Home Party Participants’ Sex Practice 作者: Sih-Cheng Du; 杜思誠 摘要: 本研究從科技與社會研究(Science, Technology and Society Studies)對於科學風險論述、常民知識和風險認知的討論出發，探討多重性伴侶的愛滋風險議題。首先，透過內容分析法檢視台灣目前與多重性伴侶概念相關的愛滋經驗研究期刊論文，發現多重性伴侶的愛滋風險論述在愛滋研究中主要以幾種方式呈現，包括多重性伴侶作為影響愛滋風險或愛滋預防行為的變項、多重性伴侶作為愛滋知識或愛滋態度問卷的題目。詳細檢視其內容，可以發現多重性伴侶是一個模糊而沒有統一定義的概念，目前台灣的科學研究亦無法支持多重性伴侶具有較高愛滋風險此說法，但是這些模糊之處卻無須被清楚說明，甚至成為測驗個人對於愛滋的瞭解或態度的評判標準。在此過程中，愛滋科學研究與傳統道德論述很難作區分，愛滋科學研究亦成為形塑與鞏固性階層的一股力量。 另一方面，多重性伴侶的愛滋科學風險論述亦過於籠統與缺乏社會脈絡，本研究試圖以男同志轟趴作為研究場域，討論在特定脈絡中多重性伴侶的愛滋風險議題。首先，檢視《聯合報》對於轟趴新聞的報導和疾病管制局的新聞稿，可以發現男同志轟趴與愛滋高度連結，但媒體呈現的是一個靜態、不完整的圖像，看不到男同志轟趴參與者在其中的思考與行為。本研究從15位男同志轟趴參與者的訪談中，發現男同志轟趴參與者作為多重性伴侶的實作者，在轟趴場域中事實上發展出降低其自身愛滋風險的常民知識，包括「全程正確使用保險套」的細緻操作、注意使用藥量，以及熟識友人互相照應等方式。本研究亦討論男同志轟趴參與者在趴場中不使用保險套肛交的經驗，發現人際關係及藥物是兩個重要的影響因素。本研究認為，男同志轟趴參與者在實作中所發展出來的種種降低愛滋風險的策略，有助於專家風險論述的不足，因而有其貢獻。; This study explores HIV/AIDS risk behavior of having multiple sexual partners based on discussions regarding scientific risk discourse, lay knowledge and risk perception under Science, Technology and Society Studies. First, through using content analysis to review the theses and journals concerning multiple sexual partnership related HIV/AIDS experiences in Taiwan, it is discovered that in most HIV/AIDS research, the risk discourse of multiple sexual partnership is presented in some ways, such as using multiple sexual partnership as a variable affecting HIV/AIDS risk or preventive behaviors; or using multiple sexual partnership as a question in HIV/AIDS knowledge and attitudes surveys. After a careful examination of the above-mentioned research, one may notice that multiple sexual partnership itself is a vague concept that lacks a coherent definition. Currently, none of the scientific research in Taiwan is able to support the statement that having multiple sexual partners is at higher HIV/AIDS risk. While the ambiguity of multiple sexual partnership remains unexplained, it has become a standard for judging an individual’s understanding or attitude towards HIV/AIDS. Under such circumstances, it is difficult to distinguish scientific research from traditional morality, and at the same time, HIV/AIDS scientific research will evolve into a power that shapes and solidifies the sexual hierarchy. On the other hand, specifics and social context are also absent in the scientific discourse on HIV/AIDS risk with regard to multiple sexual partnership. This study is focused on gay home parties and under such specific context, attempts to discuss HIV/AIDS risk issues of having multiple sexual partners. To begin with, the study reviews news articles on gay home parties published by “United Daily News” and press releases issued by Centers for Disease Control. It is found that gay home parties are highly connected with HIV/AIDS, however, what the media presents is a passive, incomplete image of gay home parties. The participants’ thinking and behaviors involving the parties are ignored. From interviews with 15 gay home party participants, the study discovers that the participants, as actual practitioners of multiple sexual partnership, have in fact developed their lay knowledge as to how to lower risks of getting HIV/AIDS. Such knowledge includes the precise operation of “correct and consistent use of condoms,” paying attention to drug dosage and friends looking after one another. The study also discusses the participants’ experiences of not using condoms during anal intercourse in home parties. The study finds that interpersonal relationship and drug are two most important influencing factors. The researcher believes, the strategies to lower HIV/AIDS risk that have developed through the practice of gay home party participants may contribute to expert risk discourse and make up for the insufficiency. 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/100984 標題: 高等教育層級化與科系工作連結對薪資報酬的影響; The Effect of College Ranking and School-to-Work Linkages on Earnings 作者: 許兆愷; Chao-Kai Hsu 摘要: 本研究探討台灣高等教育體系中「選校」與「選系」的報酬機制，分析學校層級與科系工作連結如何共同影響畢業生的初職薪資。過去研究多將學校與教育工作轉銜視為獨立影響來源，較少關注兩者之間的交互作用。然而，在高等教育普及化與勞動市場弱連結的制度脈絡下，教育報酬的來源更為複雜，亟需進一步釐清。本研究引入Diprete等人（2017）提出的教育工作連結M指數的概念，建立科系工作轉銜指標，試圖回應以下問題：第一，檢驗高層級學校在控制轉銜結構後是否仍具薪資溢酬；第二，分析科系工作連結強度對薪資的影響；第三，探討學校層級與科系工作連結之間的調節作用。研究使用台灣教育長期追蹤資料庫及後調查（TEPS & TEPS-B），並結合人力資源調查資料庫建立教育與勞動市場連結指標，採用殘差平衡加權（Residual Balancing Weighting, RBW）方法，以控制學校選擇的內生性問題，估計學校層級與轉銜結構對薪資的影響。 研究結果顯示，高層級學校即便在控制家庭、能力與地區差異後，仍展現穩定的薪資優勢，支持學歷品牌效應的存在。另一方面，科系工作連結強度對薪資具有顯著且穩定的正向影響，顯示制度性轉銜結構在薪資形成中扮演關鍵角色。進一步的交互作用分析發現，在高連結職位中，學校層級效應顯著減弱，反映出當專業技能需求高度可見時，學歷訊號的邊際價值下降；而在低連結職位中，學校效應則發揮更強的補償作用。 本研究指出台灣教育報酬的形成機制來自學校層級與轉銜結構的雙重影響。名校品牌雖能提供穩定優勢，但其效應會隨科系工作連結條件而改變，顯示教育不平等並非單純來自「選校」或「選系」，而是兩者交織的制度結果。; This study investigates how “school choice” and “field of study choice” jointly shape graduates’ entry-level earnings in Taiwan’s higher education system. While prior research often treats schools and school-to-work transitions as separate determinants, this study highlights their interaction within Taiwan’s mass higher education and weakly institutionalized labor market. Drawing on DiPrete et al.’s (2017) M-index, this study constructs a measure of field-occupation linkage to assess: (1) whether higher-tier universities retain wage premiums after controlling for transition structures; (2) how strongly field-occupation linkage shapes wage outcomes; and (3) whether school effects are moderated by linkage strength. Using data from the Taiwan Education Panel Survey (TEPS and TEPS-B) and the Manpower Survey, and applying the Residual Balancing Weighting (RBW) causal inference framework to address endogeneity in school selection, this study shows that higher-tier universities consistently yield wage advantages, supporting the brand- signaling hypothesis. Field-occupation linkage also exerts robust and positive effects on wages, underscoring the structural role of transition quality. Moreover, interaction models reveal that school effects weaken in highly linked occupations but remain salient in weakly linked contexts. These findings suggest that educational inequality in Taiwan emerges not from school or field alone, but from their intertwined institutional arrangements. 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/10394 標題: 馬來西亞跨國勞工政策與國族國家的雙重邏輯： 發展主義與國族主義; Malaysia Migrant Worker Policy and the Dual Logic of Nation-State: Developmentalism and Nationalism 作者: Wey-Jin Cheong; 張溦紟 摘要: 馬來西亞作爲發展主義後進、強勢國家，身處於全球資本主義體制的跨國分工生產鏈，以及馬來穆斯林主導政治的多元族群社會之中，使發展主義與國族主義(官方民族主義)這兩種意識形態，成爲了檢視跨國勞動遷移的重要指標。本論文從國族國家的雙重邏輯—發展主義與國族主義，檢視如何影響了馬來西亞跨國勞工政策之形成與流變？國族國家的政策合理性或治理邏輯爲何？ 馬來西亞統治精英與政府奉行發展主義意識形態，長期高度干預國家政治經濟發展政策。它們一方面實施種族恩惠政策，重新再分配經濟和社會資源；另一方面，確保穩定且持續引進大量廉價勞動力來源，成爲了國家發展與資本積累的重要機制。跨國勞工佔馬來西亞總勞動力人口的25%，足見廉價勞動力對國家發展的重要性。 本研究分析了1970年代至今，浮現於跨國勞動遷移不同階段的重要經驗謎題，指出發展主義意識形態如何促成廉價勞動力成爲國家經濟發展的重要機制。此外，本研究檢視國家統治精英與官僚代理機構，如何以國家發展之名，建構「勞工短缺」、「長遠策略的短暫措施」等論述，來合理化跨國勞工的引進，同時壓制本地勞工抗議失業發起罷工的抵抗聲音。嚴厲及剝削性客工制度愈趨明確的建立，作爲政府試圖管控和消除非正規遷移的手段，以彰顯其統治正當性。爲了適時地因應地主國在不同階段的需求，移工政策本身呈現出斷斷續續的特質，使跨國勞動淪爲「合法奴工」。 另一方面，國族國家偏好與馬來族群文化特質具親近性的印尼穆斯林移工，使後者在馬來西亞跨國勞動市場佔有顯著地位，約佔總跨國勞工人口其中的六至八成。國家的選擇性與「馬來性」與伊斯蘭教化政策成爲馬來西亞國族主義的關鍵且優越概念相關聯。可是，這種選擇性在單一族裔政體的多元族裔社會中引起爭議，進而使移工政策成為國族政治再重構—「誰以成爲我們」、「我們是誰」—的延伸場域。本研究提出，此一階段的國家傾向於採取一種跨越國家疆域邊界的族群化劃界策略，試圖將與馬來族群文化特質相近的印尼穆斯林移工納入「我們」，建立一個遍佈世界、跨國家邊界的伊斯蘭社群—「烏瑪」的一部分。不過，這種優先選擇性與納入模式，仍然出自於一種地主國整合主義的觀點，印尼穆斯林移工本身多樣性的文化身份並未受到肯認。 後來，印尼穆斯林移工的身份角色也隨著國家經濟產業的發展而有所改變，也使到他們歷經了階層化他者化的過程。地主國不同社會行動者，在各式各樣具體的互動情境脈絡中，採取不同的他者化劃界方式，使印尼移工同時受到了各種權力宰制與支配關係的影響。後期的印尼穆斯林移工，傾向於被建構為一個顯著對立的劣勢他者，凸顯出馬來西亞國族主義内涵之轉變。此外，本研究主張這個關注政府試圖雇用非傳統來源國跨國移工以後所面臨的新興問題，如何引發了發展主義與國族主義之間的矛盾關係。印尼穆斯林移工反被認爲是不符合「新馬來穆斯林典範」，意味著國家邊界不再馬來同一信仰者所開放，其所建構出來的是一個「有邊界的伊斯蘭世界社群」。此邊界不僅具有強烈的階級因素，且也反過來合理化了地主國透過各種方式壓制各國籍跨國勞工，以防止他們透過各種方式向上流動的可能，進而穿透了現代化、先進的伊斯蘭世俗國。 最後，本研究也重新整理發展主義與國族主義這雙重邏輯，如何展現在馬來西亞跨國勞工遷移的不同階段，以及它們彼此之間不同的關係組合。; This thesis mainly focuses on how the dual logic of Malaysia--developmentalism and nationalism-- influences Malaysia labor migration policy in different contexts. The rationality in policy is also analyzed by examining the role of nation-state. Both the ideologies have significantly shaped the political-economy of Malaysia. As a strong developmental state, Malaysia’s nation-state plays its important role in directing the capitalist development by serving the international division of labor. In the mean time, though the state has presented itself as a multiethnic society, it has never abandoned its effort in building a Malay Muslim dominated political entity. Migrant workers have contributed 25% of total labor force in Malaysia and this reflects cheap labor is taken as a crucial mechanism in this developmental state. By addressing its reliance on cheap labor, this thesis traces and describes the few puzzles emerged from the development of and changes in Malaysia transnational labor movement since 1970s. In order to rationalize the recruitment of migrant workers, the author argues that the state has constructed discourses of ‘labor crisis’ and ‘temporary measure’ in the name of national development. Paradoxically, local workers’ strikes and complaints have spread. An exploitative and harsh guest-worker policy, as a mean of controlling irregular migration and of restoring government legitimacy, has been gradually established. The stop-go characteristic of migrant worker policy, best serves host country’s need, has however turned the migrant workers into ‘legal servitude’. From the nationalism perspective, account nearly 60%-80% of Malaysia transnational labor market, the large proportion of Indonesian workers, who share common characteristics of Malay ethnic culture, proves the existence of the state’s selectivity which is related to and consistent with its basic features of nationalism that emphasize on the superiority of ‘Malayness’ and Islamization. I proposed the concept of ‘ethnicization’ to capture the state selectivity where it is prone to integrate Indonesian migrant workers, to some extent, into the construction of ummah—the world wide Islamic community—rather than exclude them. It can be expected that migrant worker policy with preference challenges the multiethnic nation identity and raises question such as ‘Who are we?’ Depending on circumstances, Indonesian migrant workers have been experiencing the process of stratified Otherization in the sense that they have been treated as inferior other when different social actors, includes the state, try to draw boundaries. This is especially true when the Malaysian government adopted ‘Indonesia Hire Last’ policy and immediately determined to diversify its source countries from 4 to 17 in 2002. These changes triggers the contradiction of developmentalism and nationalism. Comparing to the early stage policy, I argue that the recent migrant worker policy shows that the state borderline no longer opens to Indonesian Muslim workers since they failed to fit into the new concept of ‘New Malay Muslim Model’ and thus a newly ‘bounded Islamic community’ is established. To sum up, I reexamine the different combinations of relationships of the dual logic—developmentalism and nationalism, which is reflected on the formation of Malaysia labor migration. 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z http://tdr.lib.ntu.edu.tw/jspui/handle/123456789/8811 標題: 飲食文學範疇的建構：一個社會學式的考察; The Categorization of Food Literature: a Sociological research 作者: Hao Chiang; 江浩 摘要: 本文旨在回答一個經驗性的問題：在1999年前後，台灣的書市出現了一個新的範疇—「飲食文學」，這個範疇一方面與網路文學、輕小說一樣廣為市場所接受，另一方面卻又比前述兩者更被台灣的文學界所重視：許多文學家與文學雜誌樂於擁抱此種文學主題，但也有許多文評家認為這是一種墮落、擁抱市場的「消費文學」。於是究竟這個範疇在什麼社會條件下出現，參與者又如何讓自己獲得文學界的認可，便成為一個饒富興味的問題。為了要回答這個問題，我將以文化生產取徑、亞歷山大的「文學的社會學」取徑以及布赫迪厄對象徵鬥爭的討論為主要切入點。 首先，從文化生產取徑出發，我指出飲食文學在當代台灣的出現不能單純從大眾對於飲食消費的關注中找到原因，而應該要注意到1990年代副刊生態結構以及出版市場的轉變。在1990年代，副刊越來越倚賴市場並因而大力推動「類型文學」，飲食文學便是其中之一。另外一方面，這段時間出版社也在整體閱讀率下滑、週休二日導致消費資訊需求提高的生產條件下，開始推動摻雜生活消費資訊的「軟性文學」，於是飲食文學便在這樣的考量之下，成為出版社所樂於出版的作品。而從亞歷山大「文學的社會學（cultural sociology）」的取徑出發，則須注意到飲食文學範疇的出現也需要象徵層次上的建構，這包括了文學研究對台灣飲食文學發展史的建構，以及為了要與其他飲食書寫作品相區隔而提出的一套飲食文學美學標準。 而為了融合文化生產取徑與「文化的社會學」取徑兩者的研究發現，我於是挪用了布赫迪厄象徵鬥爭的概念。藉由象徵鬥爭的概念，我討論在1990年代末期，文學界的新進者如何在文學生產條件丕變的情況下，藉由創作「飲食文學」來獲取市場與讀者。然而文學領域的既有規則也迫使這些人在獲取市場之餘必須對既有的典律傳統有所回應，這於是迫使其進行象徵鬥爭，以建構這個文類的正當性。一方面藉由一套獨特的美學判準使飲食文學與飲食書寫相區分，另外一方面亦建構自己有相對獨立於抒情散文的文學價值。最後，由這樣象徵鬥爭所積累而成的象徵資本也使得他們得以投入飲食評鑑或飲食實作領域，由此進一步積累經濟資本或社會資本。 在結尾部分，我除了討論綜合合文化生產、「文化的社會學」以及布赫迪厄象徵鬥爭的研究取徑，可以為記錄文化的研究帶來甚麼貢獻之外，由這個案例出發，我也討論了在當代台灣文學界在發展類型文學時所面臨的困境與可能的改進之道。; This thesis tries to explain how 'food literature' in Taiwan becomes a wide-acceptance literature category. In the end of 1990, there is a new category known as 'food literature' in trade book publishing market. Unlike 'light novel' or 'online literature,' although food literature sells well, literature field takes it seriously. So what social conditions make food literature appear, and how it is accepted by literature field is worthy of understanding. I use cultural production approach to understand the roles newspaper offices and publishing houses play in the categorization of food literature. I also use 'symbolic struggle' to explain how food literature become a suitable position-taking strategy, and how food literature writers translate their symbolic capital. At the end of the thesis, I try to make some suggestions about how to develop literature category in Taiwan. 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z